1.49
Lucius Tarquinius now began his reign. His conduct procured for him the
nickname of "Superbus," for he deprived his father-in-law of burial,
on the plea that Romulus was not buried, and he slew the leading nobles whom he
suspected of being partisans of Servius. Conscious that the precedent which he
had set, of winning a throne by violence, might be used against himself, he
surrounded himself with a guard. For he had nothing whatever by which to make
good his claim to the crown except actual violence; he was reigning without
either being elected by the people, or confirmed by the senate. As, moreover,
he had no hope of winning the affections of the citizens, he had to maintain
his dominion by fear. To make himself more dreaded, he conducted the trials in
capital cases without any assessors, and under this presence he was able to put
to death, banish, or fine not only those whom he suspected or disliked, but
also those from whom his only object was to extort money. His main object was
so to reduce the number of senators, by refusing to fill up any vacancies, that
the dignity of the order itself might be lowered through the smallness of its
numbers, and less indignation felt at all public business being taken out of
its hands. He was the first of the kings to break through the traditional
custom of consulting the senate on all questions, the first to conduct the
government on the advice of his palace favourites. War, peace, treaties,
alliances were made or broken off by him, just as he thought good, without any
authority from either people or senate. He made a special point of securing the
Latin nation, that through his power and influence abroad he might be safer
amongst his subjects at home; he not only formed ties of hospitality with their
chief men, but established family connections. He gave his daughter in marriage
to Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, who was quite the foremost man of the Latin
race, descended, if we are to believe traditions, from Ulysses and the goddess
Circe; through that connection he gained many of his son in law's relations and
friends. he historian, and I have no intention of establishing either their
truth or their falsehood. This much licence is conceded to the ancients, that
by intermingling human actions with divine they may confer a more august
dignity on the origins of states. Now, if any nation ought to be allowed to
claim a sacred origin and point back to a divine paternity that nation is Rome.
For such is her renown in war that when she chooses to represent Mars as her own
and her founder's father, the nation
1.50
Tarquin had now gained considerable influence amongst the Latin nobility, and
he sent word for them to meet on a fixed date at the Grove of Ferentina, as
there were matters of mutual interest about which he wished to consult them.
They assembled in considerable numbers at daybreak; Tarquin kept his
appointment, it is true, but did not arrive till shortly before sunset. The
council spent the whole day in discussing many topics. Turnus Herdonius, from
Aricia, had made a fierce attack on the absent Tarquin. It was no wonder, he
said, that the epithet "Tyrant" had been bestowed upon him at
Rome-for this was what people commonly called him, though only in
whispers-could anything show the tyrant more than his thus trifling with the
whole Latin nation? After summoning the chiefs from distant homes, the man who
had called the council was not present. He was in fact trying how far he could
go, so that if they submitted to the yoke he might crush them. Who could not
see that he was making his way to sovereignty over the Latins? Even supposing
that his own countrymen did well to entrust him with supreme power, or rather
that it was entrusted and not seized by an act of parricide, the Latins ought
not, even in that case, to place it in the hands of an alien. But if his own
people bitterly rue his sway, seeing how they are being butchered, sent into
exile, stripped of all their property, what better fate can the Latins hope
for? If they followed the speaker's advice they would go home and take as
little notice of the day fixed for the council as he who had fixed it was
taking. Just while these and similar sentiments were being uttered by the man
who had gained his influence in Aricia by treasonable and criminal practice,
Tarquin appeared on the scene. That put a stop to his speech, for all turned
from the speaker to salute the king. When silence was restored, Tarquin was
advised by those near to explain why he had come so late. He said that having
been chosen as arbitrator between a father and a son, he had been detained by
his endeavours to reconcile them, and as that matter had taken up the whole
day, he would bring forward the measures he had decided upon the next day. It
is said that even this explanation was not received by Turnus without his
commenting on it; no case, he argued, could take up less time than one between
a father and a son, it could be settled in a few words; if the son did not
comply with the father's wishes he would get into trouble.
1.51
With these censures on the Roman king he left the council. Tarquin took the
matter more seriously than he appeared to do and at once began to plan Turnus'
death, in order that he might inspire the Latins with the same terror through
which he had crushed the spirits of his subjects at home. As he had not the
power to get him openly put to death, he compassed his destruction by bringing
a false charge against him. Through the agency of some of the Aricians who were
opposed to Turnus, he bribed a slave of his to allow a large quantity of swords
to be carried secretly into his quarters. This plan was executed in one night.
Shortly before daybreak Tarquin summoned the Latin chiefs into his presence, as
though something had happened to give him great alarm. He told them that his delay
on the previous day had been brought about by some divine providence, for it
had proved the salvation both of them and himself. He was informed that Turnus
was planning his murder and that of the leading men in the different cities, in
order that he might hold sole rule over the Latins. He would have attempted it
the previous day in the council; but the attempt was deferred owing to the
absence of the convener of the council, the chief object of attack. Hence the
abuse levelled against him in his absence, because his delay had frustrated the
hopes of success. If the reports which reached him were true, he had no doubt
that, on the assembling of the council at daybreak, Turnus would come armed and
with a strong body of conspirators. It was asserted that a vast number of
swords had been conveyed to him. Whether this was an idle rumour or not could
very soon be ascertained, he asked them to go with him to Turnus. The restless,
ambitious character of Turnus, his speech of the previous day, and Tarquin's delay,
which easily accounted for the postponement of the murder, all lent colour to
their suspicions. They went, inclined to accept Tarquin's statement, but quite
prepared to regard the whole story as baseless, if the swords were not
discovered. When they arrived, Turnus was roused from sleep and placed under
guard, and the slaves who from affection to their master were preparing to
defend him were seized. Then, when the concealed swords were produced from
every corner of his lodgings, the matter appeared only too certain and Turnus
was thrown into chains. Amidst great excitement a council of the Latins was at
once summoned. The sight of the swords, placed in the midst, aroused such
furious resentment that he was condemned, without being heard in his defence,
to an unprecedented mode of death. He was thrown into the fountain of Ferentina
and drowned by a hurdle weighted with stones being placed over him.
1.52
After the Latins had reassembled in council and had been commended by Tarquin
for having inflicted on Turnus a punishment befitting his revolutionary and
murderous designs, Tarquin addressed them as follows: It was in his power to
exercise a long-established right, since, as all the Latins traced their origin
to Alba, they were included in the treaty made by Tullus under which the whole
of the Alban State with its colonies passed under the suzerainty of Rome. He
thought, however, that it would be more advantageous for all parties if that
treaty were renewed, so that the Latins could enjoy a share in the prosperity
of the Roman people, instead of always looking out for, or actually suffering,
the demolition of their towns and the devastation of their fields, as happened
in the reign of Ancus and afterwards whilst his own father was on the throne.
The Latins were persuaded without much difficulty, although by that treaty Rome
was the predominant State, for they saw that the heads of the Latin League were
giving their adhesion to the king, and Turnus afforded a present example of the
danger incurred by any one who opposed the king's wishes. So the treaty was
renewed, and orders were issued for the "juniors" amongst the Latins
to muster under arms, in accordance with the treaty, on a given day, at the
Grove of Ferentina. In compliance with the order contingents assembled from all
the thirty towns, and with a view to depriving them of their own general or a
separate command, or distinctive standards, he formed one Latin and one Roman
century into a maniple, thereby making one unit out of the two, whilst he doubled
the strength of the maniples, and placed a centurion over each half.
1.53
However tyrannical the king was in his domestic administration he was by no
means a despicable general; in military skill he would have rivalled any of his
predecessors had not the degeneration of his character in other directions
prevented him from attaining distinction here also. He was the first to stir up
war with the Volscians-a war which was to last for more than two hundred years
after his time-and took from them the city of Pomptine Suessa. The booty was
sold and he realised out of the proceeds forty talents of silver. He then
sketched out the design of a temple to Jupiter, which in its extent should be
worthy of the king of gods and men, worthy of the Roman empire, worthy of the
majesty of the City itself. He set apart the above-mentioned sum for its
construction. The next war occupied him longer than he expected. Failing to
capture the the neighbouring city of Gabii by assault and finding it useless to
attempt an investment, after being defeated under its walls, he employed
methods against it which were anything but Roman, namely, fraud and deceit. He
pretended to have given up all thoughts of war and to be devoting himself to
laying the foundations of his temple and other undertakings in the City.
Meantime, it was arranged that Sextus, the youngest of his three sons, should
go as a refugee to Gabii, complaining loudly of his father's insupportable
cruelty, and declaring that he had shifted his tyranny from others on to his
own family, and even regarded the presence of his children as a burden and was
preparing to devastate his own family as he had devastated the senate, so that
not a single descendant, not a single heir to the crown might be left. He had,
he said, himself escaped from the murderous violence of his father, and felt
that no place was safe for him except amongst Lucius Tarquin's enemies. Let
them not deceive themselves, the war which apparently was abandoned was hanging
over them, and at the first chance he would attack them when they least
expected it. If amongst them there was no place for suppliants, he would wander
through Latium, he would petition the Volsci, the Aequi, the Hernici, until he
came to men who know how to protect children against the cruel and unnatural
persecutions of parents. Perhaps he would find people with sufficient spirit to
take up arms against a remorseless tyrant backed by a warlike people. As it
seemed probable that if they paid no attention to him he would, in his angry mood,
take his departure, the people of Gabii gave him a kind reception. They told
him not to be surprised if his father treated his children as he had treated
his own subjects and his allies; failing others he would end by murdering
himself. They showed pleasure at his arrival and expressed their belief that
with his assistance the war would be transferred from the gates of Gabii to the
walls of Rome.
1.54
He was admitted to the meetings of the national council. Whilst expressing his
agreement with the elders of Gabii on other subjects, on which they were better
informed, he was continually urging them to war, and claimed to speak with
special authority, because he was acquainted with the strength of each nation,
and knew that the king's tyranny, which even his own children had found
insupportable, was certainly detested by his subjects. So after gradually
working up the leaders of the Gabinians to revolt, he went in person with some
of the most eager of the young men on foraging and plundering expeditions. By
playing the hypocrite both in speech and action, he gained their mistaken
confidence more and more; at last he was chosen as commander in the war. Whilst
the mass of the population were unaware of what was intended, skirmishes took
place between Rome and Gabii in which the advantage generally rested with the
latter, until the Gabinians from the highest to the lowest firmly believed that
Sextus Tarquin had been sent by heaven to be their leader. As for the soldiers,
he became so endeared to them by sharing all their toils and dangers, and by a
lavish distribution of the plunder, that the elder Tarquin was not more
powerful in Rome than his son was in Gabii. When he thought himself strong
enough to succeed in anything that he might attempt, he sent one of his friends
to his father at Rome to ask what he wished him to do now that the gods had
given him sole and absolute power in Gabii. To this messenger no verbal reply
was given, because, I believe, he mistrusted him. The king went into the
palace-garden, deep in thought, his son's messenger following him. As he walked
along in silence it is said that he struck off the tallest poppy-heads with his
stick. Tired of asking and waiting for an answer, and feeling his mission to be
a failure, the messenger returned to Gabii, and reported what he had said and
seen, adding that the king, whether through temper or personal aversion or the
arrogance which was natural to him, had not uttered a single word. When it had
become clear to Sextus what his father meant him to understand by his
mysterious silent action, he proceeded to get rid of the foremost men of the
State by traducing some of them to the people, whilst others fell victims to
their own unpopularity. Many were publicly executed, some against whom no
plausible charges could be brought were secretly assassinated. Some were
allowed to seek safety in flight, or were driven into exile; the property of
these as well as of those who had been put to death was distributed in grants
and bribes. The gratification felt by each who received a share blunted the
sense of the public mischief that was being wrought, until, deprived of all
counsel and help, the State of Gabii was surrendered to the Roman king without
a single battle.
1.55
After the acquisition of Gabii, Tarquin made peace with the Aequi and renewed
the treaty with the Etruscans. Then he turned his attention to the business of
the City. The first thing was the temple of Jupiter on the Tarpeian Mount,
which he was anxious to leave behind as a memorial of his reign and name; both
the Tarquins were concerned in it, the father had vowed it, the son completed
it. That the whole of the area which the temple of Jupiter was to occupy might
be wholly devoted to that deity, he decided to deconsecrate the fanes and chapels,
some of which had been originally vowed by King Tatius at the crisis of his
battle with Romulus, and subsequently consecrated and inaugurated. Tradition
records that at the commencement of this work the gods sent a divine intimation
of the future vastness of the empire, for whilst the omens were favourable for
the deconsecration of all the other shrines, they were unfavourable for that of
the fane of Terminus. This was interpreted to mean that as the abode of Terminus
was not moved and he alone of all the deities was not called forth from his
consecrated borders, so all would be firm and immovable in the future empire.
This augury of lasting dominion was followed by a prodigy which portended the
greatness of the empire. It is said that whilst they were digging the
foundations of the temple, a human head came to light with the face perfect;
this appearance unmistakably portended that the spot would be the stronghold of
empire and the head of all the world. This was the interpretation given by the
soothsayers in the City, as well as by those who had been called into council
from Etruria. The king's designs were now much more extensive; so much so that
his share of the spoils of Pometia, which had been set apart to complete the
work, now hardly met the cost of the foundations. This makes me inclined to
trust Fabius -who, moreover is the older authority-when he says that the amount
was only forty talents, rather than Piso, who states that forty thousand pounds
of silver were set apart for that object. For not only is such a sum more than
could be expected from the spoils of any single city at that time, but it would
more than suffice for the foundations of the most magnificent building of the
present day.
1.56
Determined to finish his temple, he sent for workmen from all parts of Etruria,
and not only used the public treasury to defray the cost, but also compelled
the plebeians to take their share of the work. This was in addition to their
military service, and was anything but a light burden. Still they felt it less
of a hardship to build the temples of the gods with their own hands, than they
did afterwards when they were transferred to other tasks less imposing, but
involving greater toil-the construction of the "ford" in the Circus
and that of the Cloaca Maxima, a subterranean tunnel to receive all the sewage
of the City. The magnificence of these two works could hardly be equalled by
anything in the present day. When the plebeians were no longer required for
these works, he considered that such a multitude of unemployed would prove a
burden to the State, and as he wished the frontiers of the empire to be more
widely colonised, he sent colonists to Signia and Circeii to serve as a protection
to the City by land and sea. While he was carrying out these undertakings a
frightful portent appeared; a snake gliding out of a wooden column created
confusion and panic in the palace. The king himself was not so much terrified
as filled with anxious forebodings. The Etruscan soothsayers were only employed
to interpret prodigies which affected the State; but this one concerned him and
his house personally, so he decided to send to the world-famed oracle of
Delphi. Fearing to entrust the oracular response to any one else, he sent two
of his sons to Greece, through lands at that time unknown and over seas still
less known. Titus and Arruns started on their journey. They had as a travelling
companion L. Junius Brutus, the son of the king's sister, Tarquinia, a young
man of a very different character from that which he had assumed. When he heard
of the massacre of the chiefs of the State, amongst them his own brother, by
his uncle's orders, he determined that his intelligence should give the king no
cause for alarm nor his fortune any provocation to his avarice, and that as the
laws afforded no protection, he would seek safety in obscurity and neglect.
Accordingly he carefully kept up the appearance and conduct of an idiot,
leaving the king to do what he liked with his person and property, and did not
even protest against his nickname of "Brutus"; for under the
protection of that nickname the soul which was one day to liberate Rome was
awaiting its destined hour. The story runs that when brought to Delphi by the
Tarquins, more as a butt for their sport than as a companion, he had with him a
golden staff enclosed in a hollow one of corner wood, which he offered to
Apollo as a mystical emblem of his own character. After executing their
father's commission the young men were desirous of ascertaining to which of
them the kingdom of Rome would come. A voice came from the lowest depths of the
cavern: "Whichever of you, young men, shall be the first to kiss his
mother, he shall hold supreme sway in Rome." Sextus had remained behind in
Rome, and to keep him in ignorance of this oracle and so deprive him of any
chance of coming to the throne, the two Tarquins insisted upon absolute silence
being kept on the subject. They drew lots to decide which of them should be the
first to kiss his mother on their return to Rome. Brutus, thinking that the
oracular utterance had another meaning, pretended to stumble, and as he fell
kissed the ground, for the earth is of course the common mother of us all. Then
they returned to Rome, where preparations were being energetically pushed
forward for a war with the Rutulians.
1.57
This people, who were at that time in possession of Ardea, were, considering
the nature of their country and the age in which they lived, exceptionally
wealthy. This circumstance really originated the war, for the Roman king was
anxious to repair his own fortune, which had been exhausted by the magnificent
scale of his public works, and also to conciliate his subjects by a
distribution of the spoils of war. His tyranny had already produced
disaffection, but what moved their special resentment was the way they had been
so long kept by the king at manual and even servile labour. An attempt was made
to take Ardea by assault; when that failed recourse was had to a regular
investment to starve the enemy out. When troops are stationary, as is the case
in a protracted more than in an active campaign, furloughs are easily granted,
more so to the men of rank, however, than to the common soldiers. The royal
princes sometimes spent their leisure hours in feasting and entertainments, and
at a wine party given by Sextus Tarquinius at which Collatinus, the son of
Egerius, was present, the conversation happened to turn upon their wives, and
each began to speak of his own in terms of extraordinarily high praise. As the
dispute became warm, Collatinus said that there was no need of words, it could
in a few hours be ascertained how far his Lucretia was superior to all the
rest. "Why do we not," he exclaimed, "if we have any youthful
vigour about us, mount our horses and pay our wives a visit and find out their
characters on the spot? What we see of the behaviour of each on the unexpected
arrival of her husband, let that be the surest test." They were heated
with wine, and all shouted: "Good! Come on!" Setting spur to their
horses they galloped off to Rome, where they arrived as darkness was beginning
to close in. Thence they proceeded to Collatia, where they found Lucretia very
differently employed from the king's daughters-in-law, whom they had seen
passing their time in feasting and luxury with their acquaintances. She was
sitting at her wool work in the hall, late at night, with her maids busy round
her. The palm in this competition of wifely virtue was awarded to Lucretia. She
welcomed the arrival of her husband and the Tarquins, whilst her victorious
spouse courteously invited the royal princes to remain as his guests. Sextus
Tarquin, inflamed by the beauty and exemplary purity of Lucretia, formed the
vile project of effecting her dishonour. After their youthful frolic they
returned for the time to camp.
1.58
A few days afterwards Sextus Tarquin went, unknown to Collatinus, with one
companion to Collatia. He was hospitably received by the household, who
suspected nothing, and after supper was conducted to the bedroom set apart for
guests. When all around seemed safe and everybody fast asleep, he went in the
frenzy of his passion with a naked sword to the sleeping Lucretia, and placing
his left hand on her breast, said, "Silence, Lucretia! I am Sextus
Tarquin, and I have a sword in my hand; if you utter a word, you shall
die." When the woman, terrified out of her sleep, saw that no help was
near, and instant death threatening her, Tarquin began to confess his passion,
pleaded, used threats as well as entreaties, and employed every argument likely
to influence a female heart. When he saw that she was inflexible and not moved
even by the fear of death, he threatened to disgrace her, declaring that he
would lay the naked corpse of the slave by her dead body, so that it might be
said that she had been slain in foul adultery. By this awful threat, his lust
triumphed over her inflexible chastity, and Tarquin went off exulting in having
successfully attacked her honour. Lucretia, overwhelmed with grief at such a
frightful outrage, sent a messenger to her father at Rome and to her husband at
Ardea, asking them to come to her, each accompanied by one faithful friend; it
was necessary to act, and to act promptly; a horrible thing had happened.
Spurius Lucretius came with Publius Valerius, the son of Volesus; Collatinus
with Lucius Junius Brutus, with whom he happened to be returning to Rome when
he was met by his wife's messenger. They found Lucretia sitting in her room
prostrate with grief. As they entered, she burst into tears, and to her
husband's inquiry whether all was well, replied, "No! what can be well
with a woman when her honour is lost? The marks of a stranger, Collatinus, are
in your bed. But it is only the body that has been violated, the soul is pure;
death shall bear witness to that. But pledge me your solemn word that the
adulterer shall not go unpunished. It is Sextus Tarquin, who, coming as an
enemy instead of a guest, forced from me last night by brutal violence a
pleasure fatal to me, and, if you are men, fatal to him." They all successively
pledged their word, and tried to console the distracted woman by turning the
guilt from the victim of the outrage to the perpetrator, and urging that it is
the mind that sins, not the body, and where there has been no consent there is
no guilt. "It is for you," she said, "to see that he gets his
deserts; although I acquit myself of the sin, I do not free myself from the
penalty; no unchaste woman shall henceforth live and plead Lucretia's
example." She had a knife concealed in her dress which she plunged into
her heart, and fell dying on the floor. Her father and husband raised the death
cry.
1.59
Whilst they were absorbed in grief, Brutus drew the knife from Lucretia's
wound, and holding it, dripping with blood, in front of him, said, "By
this blood most pure before the outrage wrought by the king's son I swear, and
you, O gods, I call to witness that I will drive hence Lucius Tarquinius
Superbus, together with his cursed wife and his whole brood, with fire and
sword and every means in my power, and I will not suffer them or any one else
to reign in Rome." Then he handed the knife to Collatinus and then to
Lucretius and Valerius, who were all astounded at the marvel of the thing,
wondering whence Brutus had acquired this new character. They swore as they
were directed; all their grief changed to wrath, and they followed the lead of
Brutus, who summoned them to abolish the monarchy forthwith. They carried the
body of Lucretia from her home down to the Forum, where, owing to the unheard
of atrocity of the crime, they at once collected a crowd. Each had his own
complaint to make of the wickedness and violence of the royal house. Whilst all
were moved by the father's deep distress, Brutus bade them stop their tears and
idle laments, and urged them to act as men and Romans and take up arms against
their insolent foes. All the high-spirited amongst the younger men came forward
as armed volunteers, the rest followed their example. A portion of this body
was left to hold Collatia, and guards were stationed at the gates to prevent
any news of the movement from reaching the king; the rest marched in arms to
Rome with Brutus in command. On their arrival, the sight of so many men in arms
spread panic and confusion wherever they marched, but when again the people saw
that the foremost men of the State were leading the way, they realised that
whatever the movement was it was a serious one. The terrible occurrence created
no less excitement in Rome than it had done in Collatia; there was a rush from
all quarters of the City to the Forum. When they had gathered there, the herald
summoned them to attend the "Tribune of the Celeres"; this was the
office which Brutus happened at the time to be holding. He made a speech quite
out of keeping with the character and temper he had up to that day assumed. He
dwelt upon the brutality and licentiousness of Sextus Tarquin, the infamous
outrage on Lucretia and her pitiful death, the bereavement sustained by her
father, Tricipitinus, to whom the cause of his daughter's death was more
shameful and distressing than the actual death itself. Then he dwelt on the
tyranny of the king, the toils and sufferings of the plebeians kept underground
clearing out ditches and sewers-Roman men, conquerors of all the surrounding
nations, turned from warriors into artisans and stonemasons! He reminded them
of the shameful murder of Servius Tullius and his daughter driving in her
accursed chariot over her father's body, and solemnly invoked the gods as the
avengers of murdered parents. By enumerating these and, I believe, other still
more atrocious incidents which his keen sense of the present injustice
suggested, but which it is not easy to give in detail, he goaded on the
incensed multitude to strip the king of his sovereignty and pronounce a sentence
of banishment against Tarquin with his wife and children. With a picked body of
the "Juniors," who volunteered to follow him, he went off to the camp
at Ardea to incite the army against the king, leaving the command in the City
to Lucretius, who had previously been made Prefect of the City by the king.
During the commotion Tullia fled from the palace amidst the execrations of all
whom she met, men and women alike invoking against her her father's avenging
spirit.
1.60
When the news of these proceedings reached the camp, the king, alarmed at the
turn affairs were taking, hurried to Rome to quell the outbreak. Brutus, who
was on the same road had become aware of his approach, and to avoid meeting him
took another route, so that he reached Ardea and Tarquin Rome almost at the
same time, though by different ways. Tarquin found the gates shut, and a decree
of banishment passed against him; the Liberator of the City received a joyous
welcome in the camp, and the king's sons were expelled from it. Two of them followed
their father into exile amongst the Etruscans in Caere. Sextus Tarquin
proceeded to Gabii, which he looked upon as his kingdom, but was killed in
revenge for the old feuds he had kindled by his rapine and murders. Lucius
Tarquinius Superbus reigned twenty-five years. The whole duration of the regal
government from the foundation of the City to its liberation was two hundred
and forty-four years. Two consuls were then elected in the assembly of
centuries by the pre fect of the City, in accordance with the regulations of
Servius Tullius. They were Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius
Collatinus.
2.1
It is of a Rome henceforth free that I am to write the history-her civil
administration and the conduct of her wars, her annually elected magistrates,
the authority of her laws supreme over all her citizens. The tyranny of the
last king made this liberty all the more welcome, for such had been the rule of
the former kings that they might not undeservedly be counted as founders of
parts, at all events, of the city; for the additions they made were required as
abodes for the increased population which they themselves had augmented. There
is no question that the Brutus who won such glory through the expulsion of
Superbus would have inflicted the gravest injury on the State had he wrested
the sovereignty from any of the former kings, through desire of a liberty for
which the people were not ripe. What would have been the result if that horde
of shepherds and immigrants, fugitives from their own cities, who had secured
liberty, or at all events impunity, in the shelter of an inviolable
sanctuary,-if, I say, they had been freed from the restraining power of kings
and, agitated by tribunician storms, had begun to foment quarrels with the
patricians in a City where they were aliens before sufficient time had elapsed
for either family ties or a growing love for the very soil to effect a union of
hearts? The infant State would have been torn to pieces by internal dissension.
As it was, however, the moderate and tranquilising authority of the kings had
so fostered it that it was at last able to bring forth the fair fruits of
liberty in the maturity of its strength. But the origin of liberty may be
referred to this time rather because the consular authority was limited to one
year than because there was any weakening of the authority which the kings had
possessed. The first consuls retained all the old jurisdiction and insignia of
office, one only, however, had the "fasces," to prevent the fear
which might have been inspired by the sight of both with those dread symbols.
Through the concession of his colleague, Brutus had them first, and he was not
less zealous in guarding the public liberty than he had been in achieving it.
His first act was to secure the people, who were now jealous of their newly
recovered liberty, from being influenced by any entreaties or bribes from the
king. He therefore made them take an oath that they would not suffer any man to
reign in Rome. The senate had been thinned by the murderous cruelty of Tarquin,
and Brutus' next care was to strengthen its influence by selecting some of the
leading men of equestrian rank to fill the vacancies; by this means he brought
it up to the old number of three hundred. The new members were known as
"conscripti," the old ones retained their designation of
"patres." This measure had a wonderful effect in promoting harmony in
the State and bringing the patricians and plebeians together.
2.2
He next gave his attention to the affairs of religion. Certain public functions
had hitherto been executed by the kings in person; with the view of supplying
their place a "king for sacrifices" was created, and lest he should
become king in anything more than name, and so threaten that liberty which was
their first care, his office was made subordinate to the Pontifex Maximus. I
think that they went to unreasonable lengths in devising safeguards for their
liberty, in all, even the smallest points. The second consul-L. Tarquinius
Collatinus-bore an unpopular name- this was his sole offence-and men said that
the Tarquins had been too long in power. They began with Priscus; then Servius
Tullius reigned, and Superbus Tarquinius, who even after this interruption had
not lost sight of the throne which another filled, regained it by crime and
violence as the hereditary possession of his house. And now that he was
expelled, their power was being wielded by Collatinus; the Tarquins did not
know how to live in a private station, the very name was a danger to liberty.
What were at first whispered hints became the common talk of the City, and as
the people were becoming suspicious and alarmed, Brutus summoned an assembly.
He first of all rehearsed the people's oath, that they would suffer no man to
reign or to live in Rome by whom the public liberty might be imperilled. This
was to be guarded with the utmost care, no means of doing so were to be
neglected. Personal regard made him reluctant to speak, nor would he have
spoken had not his affection for the commonwealth compelled him. The Roman
people did consider that their freedom was not yet fully won; the royal race,
the royal name, was still there, not only amongst the citizens but in the
government; in that fact lay an injury, an obstacle to full liberty. Turning to
his brother consul: "These apprehensions it is for you, L. Tarquinius, to
banish of your own free will. We have not forgotten, I assure you, that you
expelled the king's family, complete your good work, remove their very name.
Your fellow citizens will, on my authority, not only hand over your property,
but if you need anything, they will add to it with lavish generosity. Go, as
our friend, relieve the commonwealth from a, perhaps groundless, fear: men are
persuaded that only with the family will the tyranny of the Tarquins
depart." At first the consul was struck dumb with astonishment at this
extraordinary request; then, when he was beginning to speak, the foremost men
in the commonwealth gathered round him and repeatedly urged the same plea, but
with little success. It was not till Spurius Lucretius, his superior in age and
rank, and also his father in law, began to use every method of entreaty and
persuasion that he yielded to the universal wish. The consul, fearing lest
after his year of office had expired and he returned to private life, the same
demand should be made upon him, accompanied with loss of property and the
ignominy of banishment, formally laid down the consulship, and after
transferring all his effects to Lanuvium, withdrew from the State. A decree of
the senate empowered Brutus to propose to the people a measure exiling all the
members of the house of Tarquin. He conducted the election of a new consul, and
the centuries elected as his colleague Publius Valerius, who had acted with him
in the expulsion of the royal family.