HST287 Reading Notes, 30-Sept-2004
The French Historical Revolution: The
Annales School 1929-89
Burke, Peter
Cliometrics: A Definition
Forster, Robert. Achievements of
the Annales School
Questions for Class
Links
See also the summary
narrative prepared for class.
Introduction
- Summary of leading ideas (p. 2):
- substituting problem-oriented analytical history for
traditional
narrative of events
- replacing political history with a history of the whole range
of human activities
- collaboration with other disciplines
- three phases:
- 1920s-1945: small, radical, subversive, the Bloch/Febvre era
- 1945-1968: established and institutionalized, a 'school' with
distinctive concepts and methods, the Braudel era
- 1968 - fragmented but influential in other
countries/disciplines
Burke ends his introduction with the kinds of caveats and
self-explanation one has come to expect post-Annales: the work is worth
writing because of the sustained "fruitful integration between history
and the social sciences"; he apologizes for taking liberties with
chronology, and he class for a more massive study of the movement.
1)
The Old
Historiographical Regime and its Critics
Burke opens with his own "long durée" look at historical
writing (of Europe, is implied):
- Pre-18th cent: history=chronicles of great deeds by great
(political)
men
- mid18th cent.: history of society (beyond politics), art
literature,
music, structures (ex. Feudalism)
- 19th: Copernican Revolution, Leopold von Ranke
(accumulate facts and details from primary resources to reconstruct the
past, also instituted seminar practice): remarginalize
socio-cultural history in response to "professionalization" of history
(parallels the development and solidification of notions of high/low
culture, professional/unprofessional). Still there were exceptions, ex.
Burckhardt and Michelet ('history from below')
- Late 19th: 2 camps: anti-Rankians (esp. economists
and
sociologists):
- Auguste Compte: 'history without names'
- Marx: "fundamental causes of change were to be found
in the tensions within social and economic structures" (p. 8)
- Karl Lamprecht: 'history of the people'
- Frederick Jackson Turner: 'significance of the
frontier in American history'
- James Harvey Robinson: New History: contains
everything, should include 'methods used by anthropologists,
economists, psychologists and sociologists'
- Ernest Lavisse: 10 volume wide ranging history of
France
- Rankian:
- Durkheim: encouraged generalization and comparison (p. 109)
- Simiand: 3 'idols of the tribe of historians'
- political idol (history=political, event history)
- individual idol (the history of great men/history is driven
by great men)
- chronological idol - 'habit of
losing oneself in the studies of origins'
Henri Berr (1900 Revuue de
Synthèse Historique): "ideal of a historical psychology
to be achieved by interdisciplinary co-operation."
2)
The Founders:
Lucien Febvre and Marc Bloch
Burke lays out their academic history:
- Febvre
- Ecole Normale Supérieure, 1897, small, superior,
seminar-based
- influencers (at the school):
- Paul Vidal de la Blache, geographer (Annales de Géographie)
- Lucien Lévy-Bruhl, pre-logical
thought and primitive mentality
- Emile Mâle, art historian focused
on iconography
- Antoine Meillet, linguist, (Durkheim
student), social aspects of language
- also admired Burckhardt, Michelet and
Jean Jaurés, for his economic and social emphasis
- doctoral thesis: 'Philippe II et la France-Comté':
social, cultural and political, describes struggle between classes not
in Marxian economic terms but in social and personal terms as well.
- La terre et
l'évolution
humaine eschewing Ratzel's 'geographical determinism' (geography
as necessity) for one of 'human liberty' (a river might be a barrier or
a road - it depends on how it is perceived by the community)
- Bloch

- also Ecole Normale Supérieure
- influencers (at school):
- Durkheim (who began to teach there the same year
Bloch arrived), sociologist
- thinking in a problem-oriented way
- 'Why should one expect the jurist who is interested in
feudalism, the economist who is studying the evolution of property in
the countryside in modern times, and the philologist who is working on
popular dialects, all to stop at precisely identical frontiers?' (see Question #1)
- thus, interdisciplinary
II Strasbourg (1920-1933)
The milieu: Bloch and Febvre are colleagues, along with Charles
Blondel, social psychologist, Maurice Halbwachs, a sociologist
interested
in role of memory, Henri Bremond, a historical psychology, Georges
Lefebvre, history of mentalities, Gabriel Le Bras, historical sociology
of religion, André Piganiol, ancient historian with
anthropological bent.
- Bloch major work: The Royal
Touch
- a "case study that
illuminated major problems" (p. 17)
- remarkable in three respects:
- not confined to a conventional
historical period (Braudel's: le longue duree), i.e. the period studied
is determined by the subject of the study
- religious psychology, focusing on
belief systems and the psychology of beliefs (influenced by Durkheim's
'collective representations' or 'social facts')
- 'comparative history' comparing
similar activities (royal touch) across two or more societies (England
and France)
- Problems, according to Burke: "too strong an
impression of consensus" i.e. does not discuss the problem in terms of
multiple ideologies of different groups
- Febvre: Renaissance and Reformation
- focus on social history and collective psychology
- stresses internal evolution of Renaissance and importance of
bourgeoisie
- "biography" of Luther: not a conventional biography but one
that stresses relationship between an individual and a group
III Foundation of Annales (1929)
The Annales was conceived as
more than just another historical journal. Its editors were consciously
determined to take intellectual leadership in economic and social
history (p. 21). They emphasized the need for intellectual
exchange between disciplines. In the early years the journal had an
economic focus. After 1930, the emphasis shifted to one of social
history.
Bloch's later years:
- water-mill: technological change as a problem of collective
psychology
- French Rural History
- developments over long term, broad definition of rural history
('rural techniques and rural customs'), use of non-literary sources
(maps), regressive method (read backwards - move from known to unknown,
cf. Maitland Domesday Book and Beyond,
1897)
- Feudal Society - the
culture of feudalism, historical psychology (medieval 'indifference to
time'), 'collective memory', social cohesion ("explained in...a
functionalist manner as an adaptation to the 'needs' of a particular
social milieu, more precisely as a response to three waves of
invasion" (p. 25))
- "every historical phenomenon has to be explained in terms of
its own time, not an earlier one." (p. 27)
IV The Institutionalization of the Annales
In the 30's Febvre calls for 'new kind of history' that uses
collaborative research, problem-oriented approach, and a history of
sensibility. He draws student followers. During the war, and after
Bloch's
execution, Febvre continues to organize his studies around problems
(and
in reaction to other scholars' works) (p. 27-28)
The Problem of Unbelief: After
verifying Rabelais's religious
credentials and refuting Lefrancs arguments that Rabelais was a
rational atheist, Febvre broadens the work to study the concept of
applying
the term atheist to 16th century people. He argues that the 'conceptual
apparatus' of the time did not allow unbelief. (p. 29)
Problems according to Burke:
missing evidence, assumption of homogeneity) But: The work is important
"for the questions it asks and the methods by which it pursues them"
(p. 32)
As may often be the case, the work's influence skips a generation
(Braudel) and is picked up by the following generation, Duby, Mandroff,
Le Goff, etc.
Post-war (1947): Febvre institutionalizes Annales
followers: sets up department, the Sixth Section, within the Ecole
Pratique des Hautes Etudes, and fills positions with like-minded
scholars.
3)
The Age of
Braudel
Burke begins by describing the "long gestation of his thesis" much of
it written when he was in a prisoner-of-war camp.
The Mediterranean and Phillip II
- Section 1 begins with the geographical history of the region,
showing
how geography is destiny
- Section 2 describes the history of structures, (ex. 15th/16th
century
economic growth makes conditions favorable for large states, size of
states eventually suffocates them) and deals with social and economic
polarization.
- Section 3 provides a detailed political and military history of
Phillip and key players. He provides biographical info, but not of the
"great men" kind. He stresses how
their actions were controlled by often insignificant events--they do
not always control their own destiny, much less that of the others.
The work has been criticized, according to Burke:
- some of his conclusions (bankruptcy
of bourgeoisie) have been challenged, some of his "insignifacancies"
have been found to be not so insignificant
- his 'total history' leaves out
attitudes, values, collective mentalities
- the book fails to concern itself
with a problem? (Braudel later says: the problem I had to resolve was
to show
that time moves at different speeds" p. 39)
- too much determinism: "man is
prisoner of his physical environment and mental framework" (p. 40) but
at least his determinism is pluralistic: he gives lots of reasons why
this is so
- it is a history without humans (Burke counters that this is not
true of part 3)
- he is writing geo-history but shows no changes in geology,
assuming that the region remains static
Pros of book:
"Braudel has done more to change our
notions of both space and time
than any other historian this century." (p. 41)
- "the sea is the hero" Braudel sees the
Meditteranean by stepping outside it. He provides the meta view.
- his treatment of time(s) -
geographical, social, and individual
- his suggestion that all structures are subject to change
- he provides the holistic view
II The Later Braudel
Braudel succeeds Fabvre as effective director of Annales on Febvre's death in
1956. Spends the 1950s and 60s establishing an interdisciplinary
organization and uses his influence and funding to promote "a 'common
market of the
social sciences, with history as the dominant partner." (p. 44)
The History of Material Culture/
Civilization and Capitalism
- book has tripartite structure: immobile
history, slowly changing institutional structures, more rapid changes.
(p. 44) A "magnificent synthesis of the economic history of early
modern Europe." (p. 52)
- major changes explained in global
terms
- defines Europe in contrast to other
countries
- purpose of books is "historicization
of everyday life"
- synthesis between daily life (and
not expressed in anecdotal or antiquarian terms) and great economic and
societal trends
- analyzes material culture BUT fails
to explore material as symbol (status, etc.)
- structural and multilateral
explanations for the mechanisms of distribution (ex. "social machinery
itself which reserves to outsiders such unpleasant ...tasks...if they
had not existed it would have been necessary to invent them" re:
Huguenots and Parsees, p. 49)
- is opposed to explanations in terms
of a single factor
- not a Marxist. Says Marx constructed
true social models based on the longue
durée but that they have been
frozen, so are now not as useful.
- examines process of rise of
capitalism (drawing from Wallerstein)
III The Rise of Quantitative History (1930s Depression, most work in
50s and 60s)
- first visible in economic (history of prices), then in social
(history of populations) then in others (next chapter)
- François Simiand - periods of expansion, periods of
contraction
- Ernest Labrousse - statistical methods and a Marxist, but
influential to Annales.
- Pierre Chaunu - the Atlantic ocean, spec. trade
- Jean Meuvret - cycles of crises based on harvest/price of grain
(and he influenced lots of students)
- Pierre Goubert - two part study. 1st integrates historical
demography with social history (population trends, etc.). 2nd social
differentiation and hierarchies.
4)
The Third
Generation
Post 1968, the Annales has changed. Some say polycentric, some say
fragmented, but at least there are some interesting changes. Women
scholars, including Christiane Klapisch (Medieval history of the
family), Arlette Farge (18th century social world of the street),
Mona Ozouf (festivals during the French Revolution) and Michele Perrot
(labour history, history of women) are now included. The generation is
also open to ideas from outside France.
I From the Cellar to the Attic
In a possible reeaction to Braudel, or possibly against determinism,
there was a shift of interest from economics to cultural history.
- Philippe Aries: (1960) Centuries
of Childhood and The Hour of
Our Death which, though flawed (generalizations, extrapolating
from France to rest of Europe, not differentiating between demographic
groups), opened the field to areas previously ignored.
- Alphonse Dupront, who wrote little bu influenced students,
focused on sacred space, pilgrimage, using inventories and maps.
- Robert Mandrou pursued, against Braudel's wishes, the study of
historical psychology or the history of mentalities, focusing on
popular culture and witchcraft.
- Jean Delumeau and Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie pursued psycho-analytic
history, invoking Freud to study, like American psychohistorians, the
individual.
- Main trends: mentalities: Jacques Le Goff, who built on Febvre's
views on Medieval time but who is most remembered for his work on the
medieval imagination and Georges Duby, who continued in Bloch's
tradition by focusing on 'the relations between the material and the
mental in the course of social change.' (p. 73)
- Both are interested in mentalities. Duby sees ideology growing
from a culture's mentality, that is, the mentality is present but
events conspire to bring it to the fore. (ex. tripartite society in
France used as a political weapon)
II The 'Third Level' of Serial History
In a milieu of quantitative approaches and an emphasis on economic and
social history, there was little interest in the history of
mentalities. Quantitative history, more specifically a statistical
approach, was used to study religious practice, the book and literacy,
then expanded to include other areas.
- religious: studying records on attendance at communion, vocations
to the priesthood, or wills containing donations to churches, to draw
conclusions about attitudes to piety, Christianity (ex: Michel Vouvelle
'dechristianization' as a trend before the French Revolution) and death.
- literacy: studying signatures to determine a population's ability
to read or write
- history of the book: trends in book production and reading habits
of social groups, book trade and tastes in literature of groups, and
literacy in different socioeconomic groups.
III Reactions: Anthropology, Politics, Narrative
Are quantitative methods reliable? Can statistics answer the questions
historians pose? The 1970s brought criticism of these methods as well
as a backlash against the "dominance of both social and structural
history." (p. 79)
- Anthropology
- Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie: Mantaillou
a "brilliant tour de force of
the historical imagination, and a revelation of the possibilities of an
anthropological history" that is nevertheless faulted for its
"insufficiently critical use of its main force" (the testimonies taken
under threat of torture and translated by the inquisitors, and the
"question of typicality." (p. 83)
- Roger Chartier: societies are cultural constructs
- Politics
- political history was not ignored by Bloch and Febvre, just not
highlighted. Braudel marginalized political history. The "third
generation"reacting against determinism, has transformed it. It is
fused with ideas and mentalities to form 'political culture' and, a la
Foucault, to encompass micropolitics (family, school, etc.)
- Narrative
- a new form of biography that uses study of an individual to
illumine study of a culture
- a renewed interest in history of events ("Braudel...both
denounced it and wrote it. . .Its interest for him ..was in what it
might reveal about the 'deeper realities,' the current below the
surface." (p. 90)) Durkheim sees events as symptoms rather than causes,
but recent historians counter that events can be catalysts for
historical and cultural change.
Burke also points out that the writings of the latest Annales school
has become quite popular and that the media "may well have encouraged
[an interest in this kind of history]" (p. 93)
5)
The Annales in
Global Perspective
Burke provides a "selective and impressionistic" of the impact of the Annales school on other historians
and that of Annales methodologies
on other disciplines.
- Geographically: spread during time of Braudel. Italy had some
collaborators. Poland was interested in economic and social history as
well as history of mentalities. Germany, as might be expected given the
wars, remained interested in politics instead. Britain has a
longstanding tradition of rejecting French scholarly ideas. Its
complaints against the Annales seem to be those of language and an
unwillingness to devalue the individual at the expense of 'societies.'
- Other Areas of History
- lends itself to Annales-type study: ancient history, 17th/18th
century Europe, 'subaltern studies' in India, China (concept of
otherness as described through the lens of mentalities), South America
(family studies, colonial Peru)
- does not/not accepted: Africa (historians are writing more on
short term), Japan, North America (well duh re: longue duree)
- Other disciplines
- Foucault's archaeology and genealogy is parallel (analogous?)
to mentalities
- geography: besides obvious connections, the Annales approach
has broadened the Marxist, quantitative, phenomenological forms (p. 103)
- sociology: influenced French sociologists early on, more
recently influenced English-speaking
- archaeology: as archaeologists move closer to historical
methods (narrative and events, even though these are antithetical to Annalists) they are also
incorporating Annales ideas
(ex: structures in Hawaiian culture effected, absorbed, and subverted
by contact with Eurpoean explorers)
II Striking a Balance
Is the Annales new or unique? Not really. Other historians were
developing similar ideas with respect to comparative methods,
interdisciplinarity, quantitative methods, cycles regional history and
later, anthropological and microhistory. However, the combination was
unique to the Annales.
Is/was the movement a success? What is does it has done well: it has
focused on Europe of medieval or 1500-1800; it has not absorbed other
disciplines into 'total history' but has contributed to economic,
social, political and cultural history; and it has redefined categories
in history. "According to a common stereotype of the group, they
concern
themselves with the history of structures over the long term, employ
quantitative methods, claim to be scientific, and deny human freedom."
(p. 109)
Conclusion: According to Burke, the Annales developments include
"problem-oriented history, comparative history, historical psychology,
geo-history, the history of the long term, serial history, and
historical anthropology, and has "extended the territory of history. .
.[to]new sources and the developments of new methods to exploit
them...They are also associated with collaboration with other
disciplines that ... has been sustained over sixty years, a phenomenon
without parallel." (p.111)
Cliometrics:
(from The Cliometric Society,
http://eh.net/Clio/index-About.html)
"What is Cliometrics? Answers vary: "historical
economics," the "economics of history," "econometric history" -- not
many years ago, it was called the "new" economic history. The
conclusion is all of the above. The word itself was coined in 1960 by
Stanley Reiter, a mathematical economist, who was "musing" for a word
that described the quantitative economic history work he was discussing
with colleagues. He joined the Muse of History, Clio, with the suffix
"metrics" from the word "econometrics."
The term has evolved: a good current definition is
that Cliometrics is the application of economic theory and quantitative
techniques to describe and explain historical economic events.
Cliometricians often use large data sets to examine the past in ways
that historians have disregarded. Cliometricians attempt to deduce
causes of specific economic events, whereas the more traditional
economic historian is more interested providing a post hoc description
of events."
Forster,
Robert. "Achievements of
the Annales School," The Journal of
Economic History, Vol. 38, No. 1, The Tasks of Economic History
(Mar. 1978), 58-76.
He begins with what sounds suspiciously like "academic turf wars."
He places the Annales in (his assumptions/presuppositions of) "French
culture" - a dislike of statistics, a disinclination to label
themselves as programmatic, a desire to be nuanced and evocative (see
"eclat" below), throughly eclectic, "down with the idols".
Braudel: structure, conjoncture,
event = the sea depths, the tides, the surface waves
But many Annalistes do not
approach Braudel's 'total history' focusing instead on microhistory.
He points out Chaunu recommendation that the "next phase of economic
history should be in the area of 'collective mentalities,'
investigating the reaction of large groups of people to the total
material environment." (p. 68) and concludes this is reflects the shift
within the Annales to anthropology, esp. cultural ecology (i.e Burke's
'out of the basement' - move to culture instead of base).
He makes an interesting assertion that the reason the Annalistes are
more interested in defining "serial history" as less quantitative
analysis and more interpretation is because the data available to
them lends itself to this--it is not all hard numbers (which, in
1978, were about all that could be computerized and analyzed, I might
add). (p. 69-70) This places them closer to sociologists.
However, he does admit that though their methods might be flawed,
they have "enormously extended the subject matter of history and
suggested new issues, new relationships...[and] a very imaginative use
of sources." (p. 72)
Forster: "I venture to say that the Annaliste scholar is more likely to
begin with a block of sources . . . and then search for a problem to
relate to them, than to begin with the historical question." (p. 72)
(Note: Ratcliffe: "Thus the La
nouvelle histoire, a dictionary on new methods which Jacques Le
Goff and
others published in 1978 unabashedly proclaimed that there existed a
new
history and that it was a French invention." Before or after above
article??)
Questions
1) Bloch asks: 'Why should one expect the jurist who is interested in
feudalism, the
economist who is studying the evolution of property in the countryside
in modern times, and the philologist who is working on popular
dialects, all to stop at precisely identical frontiers?'
Why indeed. Though his question may be expected to be followed by the
answer: one shouldn't, I'm more interested in asking how such divisions
or boundaries came to be in the first place, and what maintains them.
(I'm back to the concept of academic discipline.)
2) Would the post-structuralist practice of "question everything" exist
without the Annales school?
That is, by broadening the discipline as it has, does the Annales school invite historians
to seek chinks in the armor?
3) In his review of Burke's work, Ratcliffe says: "It is indeed clear
that recent decades have been marked by an
increasing eclecticism in the methodological orientations of Annales
historians and a
toning down in
their opposition to political history and to the narrative and
biographical
genres. It may well be, then that by the seventies the Annales moment
had passed." In the 14 years since publication of FHR, is that death
knell seen as premature or confirmed?
Links
A Wikipedia's entry on the Annales
School and historiography
Three reviews of Burke's French Historical Revolution (Ratcliffe,
Slavin,
Ravitch)
Goldman, Hal. "Marc Bloch: Israèlite de France"
The UVM History Review, December 1994, v6.
Robert Forster on the Forster-Ranum translations of articles from the Annales
E.S.C., Given at the FHS, sponsored by George Mason. March 19,
1999. Panel in Honor of Orest Ranum:
"the Annales editors claimed to emphasize
interdisciplinary
history and under Fernand Braudel's leadership it stressed the longue
durée
and a history layered by three different notions of time that the
Master
likened to the deep sea currents, the tides, and the white-caps. Yet
few
French historians achieved the temporal and geographic range that
Braudel
proclaimed as the goal of the Annales. For the most part, the Annalists
wrote
more temporally and spatially limited articles. However, three
distinctive
features pervaded these articles. The problem, the source, and the
approach
were to be original, if possible imaginative, and melded into a
harmonious
whole. And if the harmonizing of the three features seemed unexpected
or
unlikely, so much the better. The Annales strove for éclat."
http://www.uvm.edu/~hag/personal/portfolio/hst287/notes-9-30.html
hope.greenberg@uvm.edu,
created/updated: 27-Sept-2004/1-Oct-2004
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