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            <publisher>University of Vermont</publisher>
            <pubPlace>Burlington, Vermont USA</pubPlace>
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                  <author>Eugenics Survey</author>
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                  <date>1930</date>
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      <front>
         <div1>
            <bibl>
               <title>Fourth Annual Report of the Eugenics Survey of Vermont</title>
               <author>Eugenics Survey</author>
               <date>March, 1930</date>
               <note type="repository" anchored="true">Original located at: University of Vermont,
                  Special Collections. </note></bibl>
         </div1>
         <titlePage>
            <docTitle>
               <titlePart type="main">
                  <hi rend="center">Fourth Annual Report<lb/>of the<lb/>Eugenics Survey of
                  Vermont</hi>
               </titlePart>
            </docTitle>
            <docDate>March, 1930</docDate>
            <docImprint>
               <pubPlace>Office of the Survey, 138 Church Street Burlington, Vermont</pubPlace>
               <publisher>Auspices of the University of Vermont</publisher>
            </docImprint>
         </titlePage>
      </front>
      <body>
         <div1>
            <head rend="center">FOREWORD</head>
            <p>In its present capacity as coordinate with two other subcommittees working on the
               Comprehensive Survey of Rural Vermont, the Eugenics Survey of Vermont has been
               cooperating as fully as possible under the general supervision of the Committee on
               the Human Factor of which President Paul Moody of Middlebury College is Chairman.
               There has been gratifying cooperation between the committees and subcommittees of the
               Vermont Commission on Country Life and some of the work described in this report was
               suggested or has been facilitated by other divisions of the larger enterprise.</p>
            <p>Miss Mary V. Bolton, field worker for the Subcommittee on the Handicapped and Miss
               Genieve Lamson, field worker for the Subcommittee on Population Changes have been in
               frequent conference with Mrs. Wadman and Miss Anderson. Members of the Advisory
               Committee have, as always, given unreservedly of their time and counsel.</p>
            <p>The table of contents lists the activities upon which the Survey has been engaged
               since March, 1929. The account of each study tells its own story and further comment
               in this place is unnecessary.</p>
            <p>
               <date>March 13, 1930.</date>
            </p>
            <pb/>
         </div1>
         <div1>
            <head rend="center">I. INSTITUTIONAL INVESTIGATIONS</head>
            <head>Introduction</head>
            <p>The membership of the Advisory Committee of the Eugenics Survey includes several
               representatives of the State Department of Public Welfare. This might be regarded as
               sufficient ground for investigation by the Survey of problems impinging upon the
               territory of that Department. Another more important reason for the following studies
               is the fact that the future population of Vermont will be mostly the children and
               grandchildren of the present generation of Vermonters. It is good eugenical practice
               to examine the present sources, both good and bad, of that future population and, in
               so far as the present generation are passing on undesirable characteristics, to
               discover if possible the best means of checking that trend.</p>
            <p>It therefore seemed reasonable to include in the program of the Eugenics Survey a
               study of two groups of people who are apparently in a position to contribute low
               grade stock. The first group consists of women of subnormal mentality committed to
               the Rutland Reformatory, especially those who have returned for a second or third
               sentence.</p>
            <p>The other group consists of those who have been reported to or by some civil
               authority as suitable candidates for the State School for Feebleminded but who for
               some reason have never been committed to that School. They have instead remained in
               the community, being cared for by their families or by some institution or
               organization other than the State School.</p>
            <p>The Reformatory women are actually State charges and the persons referred to the
               Brandon School may properly be regarded as potential charges of the State because
               many of them would probably have been admitted to the State School and would now be
               members of that group if there had been room for them. The Survey is not supported by
               State funds. It has no official connection with the State government. The Advisory
               Committee have no intention of interfering in the affairs of the State institutions,
               but it has been decided that an investigation of the status of these two groups would
               be as profitable as any other project that we could choose. No other has been
               proposed that seemed to have more definite and immediate possibilities for the
               betterment of the Vermont population.</p>
            <p>We are strongly convinced of the value of the training, the life in the institutions
               as they are now conducted in Vermont. We have all seen wonders accomplished in the
               rehabilitation of boys and girls who came from the worst possible environment and so
               improved during their stay at one of our institutions as to show an almost miraculous
               transformation. The eugenical implications are not always rightly understood. We
               believe that their ideals as well as their tastes are elevated by their experience.
               Their choice of a life mate is almost certain to be very different and a mate from a
               higher level of society is eugenically desirable. Low grade mental and physical
               traits are much less likely to reappear in the children than if a marriage is
               contracted with one of the same or a lower grade. Defects do not actually "breed
               out," ever. But they may be kept in abeyance indefinitely by favorable matings.</p>
         </div1>
         <div1>
            <head xml:id="rutland" rend="center">1. STUDY OF A GROUP OF WOMEN AT
               RUTLAND<lb/>REFORMATORY</head>
            <div2>
               <p>This study was undertaken at the suggestion of the Superintendent of the
                  Reformatory for Women, Miss Lena C. Ross, who has found that repeaters or
                  recidivists were becoming an increasing problem in that institution. It was
                  strongly suspected that many of these women were subnormal mentally and that the
                  delinquencies which brought them to the institution time after time were at least
                  partly due to this low mentality. It seemed that they should be treated more as
                  hospital cases than as criminals, and that it would be desirable to make a series
                  of mental tests as a basis for any appropriate recommendations.</p>
               <p>What should the State do about these women if they were found to be low grade
                  mentally ? This is a question which belongs to others than the Eugenics Survey to
                  answer. One suggestion is that the ample space and accommodations at the Rutland
                  Reformatory make it possible to care for a number of these women as permanent
                  patients, if some arrangement could be made for their commitment under
                  indeterminate sentence so that they might be kept at the Reformatory until it
                  should seem safe and wise to release them on parole or by discharge.</p>
               <p>The purpose of this study was primarily to ascertain the mental levels of the
                  group of women at the Reformatory. Though for many good reasons it was decided not
                  to go into the social history of each individual at this time, sufficient material
                  of interest was secured to make it seem worth while to include it in the report.</p>
               <p>The study was extended over a period of several months so that a representative
                  cross-section of the group coming to the Reformatory was gained. One or more
                  interviews were held with each woman and a psychological test given each. The
                  Stanford Revision of the Binet-Simon scale was used.</p>
               <p>Afterwards the material was treated as mass data. Though the value of detailed
                  case studies was fully recognized, it was considered that mass treatment furnished
                  the information which this study primarily sought, namely, what the
                  characteristics common to this group were, particularly as regards mental
                  capacity. It was of interest to note also whether the group differed in any aspect
                  outside of present criminality from the general run of the female population.</p>
            </div2>
            <div2>
               <head>
                  <hi rend="center">I</hi>
               </head>
               <p>The group at Rutland Reformatory is a small one, numbering fifty-three in all. The
                  women are of all ages from 16 to 51 years. With the older ones it is a question to
                  what extent their well-established habits can be changed, so that they may be
                  trusted to assume the responsibilities expected of them by any community. But half
                  the group is under 30 years of age, 21 percent even under 20 years. For these
                  there is still a long future to make or to mar. Careful diagnosis and treatment
                  may do much to undo years of unfavorable early environment, and to prepare them to
                  adjust harmoniously to the social group.</p>
               <p>Only a very small percentage of the women have been committed for a major offense.
                  The following table shows the nature of the present offense for which they have
                  been committed. </p>
               <p>
                  <figure>
                     <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-01.jpg"/></figure>
                  </figure>
               </p>
               <p>Sex offenses stand out as constituting the largest percentage. Of offenses of any
                  group. A study that was available, made at Bedford Hills, the New York State
                  Reformatory for Women, showed this same large percentage of sex offenses there,
                  62.5 percent of the offenses being those against chastity. Offenses against
                  property rights constitute the next largest group, and again the two Reformatories
                  show similar results, 18.8 percent at Rutland compared to 16.7 percent at Bedford
                  Hills.</p>
               <p>Sixteen of the women, or 30.2 percent, have been committed before, sometimes two
                  and three times. Ten of these are now back serving their full sentence because of
                  breach of parole. Ten of the sixteen are sex offenders. To those in charge at the
                  institution it sometimes seems as if these sex offenders are released only to
                  return in a short time, either pregnant or having borne illegitimate children
                  during their short period of freedom.</p>
               <p>These recidivists are the women-concerning whom particularly the question has been
                  raised whether the sentences given are long enough for the treatment needed to
                  prepare them for reassuming the responsibilities and social standards demanded of
                  its members by any community.</p>
               <p>
                  <figure>
                     <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-02.jpg"/></figure>
                  </figure>
               </p>
               <p>The greatest percentage of sentences are for less than three years. In some
                  instances, at least, it would seem that a longer time might be needed to
                  reestablish acceptable social habits. It may be a question whether it is any more
                  humane to grant a woman liberty before she is "socially well" than it would be to
                  dismiss a patient from a hospital before he is physically able.</p>
               <p>It would have been of considerable interest to learn in detail the early
                  environment of the members of the group. But it was not expedient to do so.
                  Enough, however, was learned to judge that many of the women had come from homes
                  which in one or more respects were below the average. On the other hand, several
                  had come from good homes.</p>
               <p>The school histories of these women throw some light on educational standards. Two
                  of the women received no formal education. One completed high school. The largest
                  number reached either grades five or seven.</p>
               <p>The law in Vermont states that every child shall attend school till he has
                  completed the eighth grade, or is sixteen years of age. Only 17 percent of the
                  Reformatory group actually completed the eighth grade or more. Granted that a
                  number lacked the mental capacity to go so far, only 32 percent continued to
                  attend school till they were 16 years of age. As a matter of fact, 21.2 percent
                  left school between the ages of 10 and 12. The median age, however was barely 15
                  years. A few received full advantages of schooling, but did not have the ability
                  to make much advancement. Criminologists disagree as to whether or not there is
                  any particular correlation between criminality and educational attainment. Be that
                  as it may, it is apparent that the schooling received by most of our group does
                  not measure up to the standards which we now consider as the barest minimum of
                  school training necessary as a preparation for meeting the demands of later life.</p>
               <p> The bearing of our whole economic order on the cause of crime is a matter of
                  great importance, and of considerable contention. Some hold that it is the most
                  outstanding cause of crime, others, that it is of but little real significance.
                  The economic system is undoubtedly responsible‐‐but just to what extent is
                  difficult to determine. Our study was too limited to contribute in any way, but it
                  seemed of interest to note the prevailing type of work done by the members of the
                  Reformatory group.</p>
               <p>
                  <figure>
                     <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-03.jpg"/></figure>
                  </figure>
               </p>
               <p>By far the greatest number of women are found in domestic and hotel work. As a
                  matter of fact, domestic work seemed basic for practically all the women.
                  According to the U. S. Census, only 6.9 percent of the women gainfully employed in
                  the State of Vermont are engaged in domestic work; only 17.8 percent are in
                  restaurant and hotel work. But 51 percent of the Reformatory group are in these
                  occupations. The second largest number are in factory work, but here the
                  proportion to the general population is better balanced, 24.5 percent of the
                  delinquents being in this work compared to 23.1 percent of the gainfully employed
                  females in the State.</p>
               <p>Extensive studies made of the occupations of delinquent women have shown that the
                  largest number are to be found in domestic and hotel work. It seems to draw the
                  mass of unskilled women of which the Reformatory group is a part, and it presents
                  more opportunities for petty thieving and for meeting men than do many other
                  occupations where supervision is greater. We seem to demand of those among this
                  unskilled group, who are undeveloped mentally or emotionally, the ability to
                  resist the temptations which this work presents.</p>
               <p>One of the matters of serious concern related to the commitment of these women is
                  the question of what becomes of the families of the mothers in the group. Forty of
                  the women, or 75.5 percent, are married; five, or 9.4 percent, are divorced; while
                  only eight, or 15.1 percent, are single. There are 154 children belonging to these
                  women, an average of 2.9 children to each woman. But as seven of the married women
                  are childless, and seven of the eight single have had no children, the 154
                  children are the offspring of 39 of the women, an average of 3.9 children to each.
                  The families range in size from one to eleven children. The average size of these
                  families is probably not any larger than that usual to this class of the general
                  population. But since we must guard the future as well as care for the present,
                  our deepest concern is to help these children who are deprived of the most
                  important social influence in life, a good home. It is left so much to chance what
                  will become of them. Table IV shows how these children are being cared for at
                  present.</p>
               <p>
                  <figure>
                     <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-04.jpg"/></figure>
                  </figure>
               </p>
               <p>All of these children are either in broken homes or cared for by others than their
                  own family. When we consider the number of maladjustments of adult life that can
                  be traced back to unfavorable early environment and broken homes, it would seem
                  that most of these children are handicapped from the start in being well trained
                  to meet some of the difficult situations of later life. Looked at solely from the
                  point of view of cost‐‐the fact that 29.3 percent of these children are cared for
                  by public and private organizations, suggests something of the cost that these
                  delinquent women are to the State above that of their mere upkeep at the
                  Reformatory.</p>
            </div2>
            <div2>
               <head>
                  <hi rend="center">II</hi>
               </head>
               <p>The relation between mental capacity and criminality is of much importance. Some
                  authorities consider it the important factor in determining crime; others, that it
                  is only one of many. After many careful studies, the prevailing conception now
                  seems to be that variation in mental capacity is found among criminals in about
                  the same ratio as among the general population. Among certain crimes only, does
                  mental capacity tend to be lower than the average, and these are crimes such as
                  petty thieving and sex delinquency which require but little forethought and into
                  which individuals easily influenced are led. It is well to bear in mind that one
                  factor in lowering the average of mental capacity of a reformatory group is that
                  only the less clever ones "get caught."</p>
               <p>Only fifty-one of the women at Rutland were given satisfactory psychological
                  tests. Two showed such psychopathic tendencies that it was not considered fair to
                  judge their ratings on an intelligence test.</p>
               <p>If we accept Terman's estimate that the average adult age in the general
                  population is 14 years, possibly 16, we find that the Reformatory women do not
                  measure up very favorably to this standard.</p>
               <p>Their mental ages range from 7 to 16 years as follows:</p>
               <p>
                  <figure>
                     <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-04a.jpg"/></figure>
                  </figure>
               </p>
               <p>Only 5.9 percent measure up to the average adult age of 14 to 16 years. Comparing
                  their intelligence quotients with Terman's classification the results are as Table
                  V shows. </p>
               <p>
                  <figure>
                     <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-05.jpg"/></figure>
                  </figure>
               </p>
               <p> The women measure somewhat lower in intelligence than did a group of 447
                  delinquent women in institutions in New York State, of whom an extensive study was
                  made. Our group is too small for making any fair comparison with such a large
                  one‐‐ and it may represent a more selected body of the general population. The
                  difficulty is in making any comparison with the intelligence of the general adult
                  population. The best sampling available of this is that of Binet-Simon tests given
                  to random groups of the army during the war. Even here, however, the groups were
                  somewhat selective. In the New York study a comparison between the army group and
                  the delinquent women of the State was made. It seemed of interest to compare with
                  this the group of delinquent women of Vermont. Table VI shows how the mental ages
                  of the two groups of delinquent women compare. It also shows how these two groups
                  compare with the army group which represents best the mental capacity of the
                  general population.</p>
               <p>
                  <figure>
                     <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-06.jpg"/></figure>
                  </figure>
               </p>
               <p>Table VII shows the relation found among the group between mental capacity and
                  nature of offense. Though sex offenders and offenders against the person show
                  lower mental ability than do the offenders against property, family, and
                  government regulations, yet the number of women tested is too small to make any
                  point about such comparisons.</p>
               <p>
                  <figure>
                     <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-07.jpg"/></figure>
                  </figure>
               </p>
               <p>There is no striking difference either between the intelligence quotient of
                  recidivists and first offenders‐‐the average intelligence of the recidivists being
                  67.1 compared with 69.2 for the first offenders.</p>
               <p>A closer relationship is found between the intelligence quotient and grades
                  attained at school, though the grades attained by some would denote that the
                  degree of mental inefficiency could not have been fully realized in school.</p>
               <p>It is of interest to know the relations between the mental capacity of the
                  Reformatory women and the kind of work at which they were most usually employed,
                  to see if those of marked difference in intelligence gravitated to different types
                  of work. From Table VIII it is plain that those women usually found in domestic,
                  hotel and restaurant work are of lower mental capacity than the others. They are,
                  then, not only the most unskilled but also the most poorly endowed mentally, and
                  they represent the largest group in the Reformatory.</p>
               <p>
                  <figure>
                     <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-08.jpg"/></figure>
                  </figure>
               </p>
               <p>When we note the low intelligence quotient of those at home and in schools and
                  institutions, it would seem that there is one very good reason for their being
                  unemployed.</p>
               <p>There is practically no relation between the kind of work done and the grade
                  attained at school. The mean in domestic, hotel and factory work is between the
                  fifth and sixth grade. The store clerk completed grade 8, the two dressmakers
                  completed two years of high school, the practical nurse and the farm worker, first
                  year high school.</p>
               <p> When one thinks of the mental capacity of some of these women, one wonders
                  whether their children may not be somewhat handicapped at the start in mental
                  endowment as well as in early environing influences. If they inherit to some
                  degree the mental capacity of their mothers, they may find it a little difficult
                  in later life to compete on equal terms with some of their fellows who are better
                  endowed mentally. Table IX shows the number of children born to women of varying
                  degrees of intelligence. Though the average number of children born to women of
                  each grade of intelligence is about the same, the largest number is certainly in
                  the group of subnormal intelligence.</p>
               <p>
                  <figure>
                     <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-09.jpg"/></figure>
                  </figure>
               </p>
            </div2>
         </div1>
         <div1>
            <head rend="center">SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS</head>
            <p>The study sought to throw some light on the characteristics of the Reformatory group,
               particularly in regard to mental capacity. It omitted many obvious and important
               aspects of the problem. But it brought out that the women in Rutland Reformatory
               represent a somewhat selected group, handicapped more than the average of the general
               population by unfavorable early environing influences and by limited mental capacity.</p>
            <p>Most of the women came from unfavorable homes and lacked the school training that we
               now consider as the minimum essential for meeting the problems of adult life. They
               were mostly untrained workers who had gone into occupations which afford little
               supervision and which offer many temptations.</p>
            <p>When besides these unfavorable environing influences we find a limited mental
               capacity, the latter seems to play the determining part in upsetting the balance
               toward delinquency in a time of stress when it is essential to have the capacity for
               clear insight and forethought concerning the social results of certain forms of
               conduct.</p>
            <p>The crimes for which the largest number of the women at the Reformatory have been
               committed are crimes of submission or crimes of imperfect emotional control. It is
               generally recognized that mental deficiency is a powerful factor in determining just
               such crimes. L`Most of the women have subnormal intelligence. Yet we have assumed the
               responsibility of ''punishing'' them as though they were "normal persons who had
               chosen to act as though they were not normal persons." And we have been so concerned
               about the offense, that we have given but little thought to the offenders.</p>
            <p>It would seem rather difficult to determine beforehand how long these anti-social
               people need to spent in an institution to learn to change and reconstruct some of
               their deeply ingrained habits of conduct, till they are ready to enjoy once again the
               freedom that all members of society have conducted themselves in socially accepted
               ways.</p>
            <p>It would certainly seem that those who are poorly endowed mentally and emotionally,
               or those who have had but little training of any kind, might need a period of
               training in an institution perhaps much longer than the "sentence" stated. Some might
               even require constant supervision irrespective of the degree of the crime
            committed.</p>
         </div1>
         <div1>
            <div2>
               <head rend="center" xml:id="waiting">2. STUDY OF WAITING LIST OF STATE SCHOOL<lb/>FOR
                  FEEBLEMINDED</head>
               <p>Mental defectives present a social problem which is being given much
                  consideration. For a time all mental defectives were looked upon as potential
                  criminals and treated accordingly. Now, however, we are beginning to understand
                  that their behavior in adult life is very largely determined by the type of
                  training they receive in their childhood and the habits they then form. Those who
                  have been neglected in their childhood are liable to reward us by becoming serious
                  problems to their family, to the community and to the State. Those who have been
                  well trained become law-abiding citizens and can be depended upon to do good work,
                  at least under supervision. As a matter of fact, there is much work for them to do
                  in our factories which more intelligent people find too monotonous. On the other
                  hand, there are some who are either so defective or so lacking in emotional
                  control that they need continuous custodial care.</p>
               <p>To ascertain the extent of mental defect in the State would be a considerable
                  contribution to solving some of our related social problems, especially if such a
                  study were followed up by the necessary care and training of those members of our
                  society who are found to be mentally defective. In Vermont at present there are no
                  means for such follow-up work. It was therefore decided to delay making the more
                  comprehensive study. It was felt, however, that a social study of even a limited
                  group of mental defectives would give some picture of the problems they present.
                  No such social study was attempted in the subnormal or defective people included
                  in our early pedigree studies.</p>
               <p>The group selected consisted of those persons who at one time had been referred to
                  the Brandon State School for the feebleminded, but who for some reason did not go
                  there and are still at large in the State. They seemed a most important group to
                  follow UK' concerning their social and economic adjustment to their communities.</p>
               <p>A list of the names was then secured from the Brandon State School for the
                  Feebleminded of those who had at any time prior to August, 1929, been referred to
                  the School, but not admitted. Following this, inquiries were made of social and
                  public agencies as to information they might have concerning any of these persons.
                  These agencies very kindly gave us full information about cases recorded with
                  them. Then a schedule was drawn incorporating some of the points which seemed of
                  interest concerning each particular case.</p>
               <p>First we wanted to know who referred the individual to Brandon, the reason for
                  doing so, and the reason for his not being admitted. This suggested answers which
                  might show whether the institution was large enough to take all those referred to
                  it who really needed its care and also might reflect some of the community's
                  knowledge of and attitude toward the School for the Feebleminded. Then we wanted
                  to know the social heritage of each individual, his family history, mental
                  capacity of his brothers and sisters; his home environment at present and in the
                  past; his school history and his behavior there as well as in his home. Then
                  something of his work history‐‐what kind of jobs he was able to hold; how his wage
                  compared to that prevailing in the community for similar work; how much
                  supervision he needed in his work; how he spent his money. When we consider the
                  total social picture‐‐his behavior at home, at school, and at work, his relation
                  with his fellows, and the and of work he is able to do it seems possible to make
                  some estimate of the degree of social and economic adjustment that he is making in
                  the community.</p>
               <p>Home visits are being made to each individual and interviews held with members of
                  the family and himself‐‐usually a psychological test being given him. Visits are
                  also made to schools, to places of work and to interested persons.</p>
               <p>The following illustrate some of the types of cases that are being followed.</p>
            </div2>
            <div2>
               <head>
                  <hi rend="italic">
                     <hi rend="center">Tom, a Town Charge</hi>
                  </hi>
               </head>
               <p>Tom is the illegitimate child of a woman who is now in the State Hospital for the
                  Insane. He has always been a charge on the town and has twice been referred by the
                  Overseer of the Poor to the State School for the Feebleminded because he was
                  making no progress in school. However, he was not admitted because there were
                  others who needed more immediate attention.</p>
               <p>When a baby he was placed by the Overseer of the Poor in a large family in which
                  the standards were not very satisfactory. During the fourteen years he spent with
                  this family he learned bad habits, both personal and in regard to work. At 14 he
                  left school since he was only in grade 2, and went to work for a farmer who took
                  unusual interest in him and spent much time in trying to change some of his habits
                  and to train him to become a good worker. He improved a great deal while there,
                  but after two years the boy left by mutual consent.</p>
               <p>He is now 16 years of age, a tall, slim, attractive-looking boy. The town has
                  decided that he is old enough to look after himself and has ceased to be
                  responsible for him. At present he is working with a very fine farm family, doing
                  some of the chores. He works fairly well at some of the simpler tasks, but is
                  unusually stubborn and resents the fact that he gets five dollars less pay per
                  month than some of the other boys, although his work is not worth more. He is
                  sufficiently pleased still, to mingle well with neighboring boys and girls. But
                  this is just what makes it harder for him to accept his own limitations. He has no
                  sense of the value of money and loves to spend it on taking everyone to the movies
                  or buying cigarettes and tobacco. The people with whom he is living try to advise
                  him but feel that they have no real authority over him. And so he goes his own
                  way. It seems as if it is leaving left very much to chance what kind of a social
                  and economic adjustment this boy is going to make.</p>
            </div2>
            <div2>
               <head>
                  <hi rend="center">
                     <hi rend="italic">Allen, an Idiot, Mars a Normal Home</hi>
                  </hi>
               </head>
               <p>Allen is quite another type. He is only seven years old, living with his parents
                  in a pleasant although poor home. He had spastic paralysis shortly after birth and
                  is an idiot. He demands such constant attention from his mother that she is nearly
                  a nervous wreck from looking after him. He takes up so much time that she has
                  found it necessary to place out with relatives two of her younger children. He has
                  even been the cause of considerable estrangement between the mother and
                  stepfather, as well as preventing the two younger children from enjoying normal
                  home life. It would be a great relief to the family to have the boy cared for in
                  an institution. But there is not much room at the Brandon School, particularly for
                  this type of child.</p>
            </div2>
            <div2>
               <head>
                  <hi rend="center">
                     <hi rend="italic">Mary, a Potential Sex‐Delinquent</hi>
                  </hi>
               </head>
               <p>At sixteen, Mary left school where she had been doing third grade work in a
                  special class for mental defectives. She has an intelligence quotient of 54.6, a
                  middle grade moron. She has always been so much trouble in school from the sex
                  standpoint that repeated efforts were made to have her sent to the Brandon State
                  School, but her parents always strenuously opposed it. Mary comes from a very
                  large family in which four of the younger children attend special classes for
                  mental defectives. All the members of the family have violent tempers and quarrel
                  continually. It is in this atmosphere that Mary has been brought up and in which
                  she continues to live. She is now only 17 years of age and has held three jobs,
                  doing housework for very patient, understanding women in the community. Her work,
                  however, has been so unsatisfactory and her behavior so unpleasant that each
                  employer has had to dismiss her after a week. Now she is hoping to get a job which
                  will bring her in continued contact with the public. Considering her low
                  mentality, her uncontrollable temper and her abnormal interest in sex, it is
                  probably only a matter of time when she will again be brought to the attention of
                  State authorities, if not for mental deficiency, then for delinquency. Some
                  training and supervision could still do much for this girl, but it cannot be given
                  in her present home.</p>
               <p>
                  <hi rend="center">———</hi>
               </p>
               <p> These cases illustrate only some phases of the problem of mental deficiency. The
                  investigation is far from complete and the results therefore cannot be brought out
                  in this report. The study is proving valuable as well as intensely
               interesting.</p>
            </div2>
         </div1>
         <div1>
            <head>
               <hi rend="center">II.RECONNAISSANCE OF TOWNS</hi>
            </head>
            <p>In connection with the work of the various committees constituting the Vermont
               Commission on Country Life, the work of the Eugenics Survey has been in a sense that
               of a pathfinder. Inasmuch as the entire resources of this Eugenics Survey have been
               turned over bodily to the work of the Comprehensive Survey conducted by the Vermont
               Commission, such information and facilities as could be put at the disposal of the
               Commission as a whole were immediately offered to the Director.</p>
            <p>In the earlier days of the Comprehensive Survey the only group that was ready to go
               into the field was the Eugenics Survey. In order that the most advantageous selection
               of areas for study might be made, a preliminary reconnaissance of towns was
               undertaken. The plan of procedure was as follows:</p>
            <p>The field worker,<ref n="1" target="#ESV004120">1</ref> who was at that time Mrs.
               Martha Wadman, examined the material available in the libraries that would tell the
               story of the founding and subsequent history of each of the towns in Vermont. The
               population changes, upward and downward, were examined and all the more striking
               examples of increase in population or decline, and all the instances of sudden
               fluctuations with peaks or troughs showing in the population curve were transcribed
               in the form of graphs. As a sample of the picture that one gets from an examination
               of such population curves, we reproduce here the polygons of population in six towns.
               See diagram. These samples are chosen as illustrating, in A, a rather rapid growth
               with the peak at 1900, since which time there appears to have been a similarly rapid
               decline up to 1920.</p>
            <note n="1" xml:id="ESV004120" anchored="true"> 1 Mrs. Wadman resigned in December,
               1929, and her place is taken by Miss Elin Anderson.</note>
            <p>Town B in the diagram shows a decidedly erratic fluctuation with the maximum
               population at 1850, at which time there were about a third more people living in the
               town than there were in 1920.</p>
            <p>Town C has had a much less "jumpy" history so far as the numbers in the population
               seem to show. Here again, as in towns B, D and I; in our diagram, there has been a
               decline in the population during recent years. Towns A, B and E, by way of contrast,
               show an increase during the past 50 years.</p>
            <p>There is a feeling, rather definitely confirmed by considerable information, that the
               population trends in a good many towns in Vermont reflect more or less clearly the
               vitality of the town. The elements in this vitality are, we suspect, those very
               things that the Rural Survey is trying to discover and appraise. The Eugenics Survey
               is concerned with human heredity. Its responsibility has to do with the human
               factors, such as qualities of leadership, initiative, ability in public office or in
               business, civic responsibility, intellectual, social and spiritual qualities. It is
               equally concerned with the opposites of all of these. The way these things appear in
               successive generations, whether through heredity or through repeated conditions of
               the environment, challenges the serious study of our organization.</p>
            <p>In addition to the population trends, such as shown in the samples represented on our
               graph, the industrial, educational, church-denominational and other aspects of the
               town's history were gone into. The investigation included also such facts as could be
               gathered in a brief preliminary visit to the place, concerning the families now
               outstanding in the community, especially those that had been there for some time. The
               story of this family study is given under a separate heading in this report.</p>
            <p>
               <figure>
                  <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-11.jpg"/></figure>
               </figure>
            </p>
            <p>
               <figure>
                  <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-12.jpg"/></figure>
               </figure>
            </p>
         </div1>
         <div1>
            <div2>
               <head rend="center" xml:id="oldtown">III. CHANGES IN AN OLD TOWN AND IN SOME
                  OF<lb/>ITS OLDEST FAMILIES</head>
               <p>Ever since the middle of the last century or earlier a large number of the rural
                  towns of Vermont have declined in population. Many reached the highwater mark
                  between the years 1830 and 1850. To counterbalance this drain on the small towns
                  the larger cities have grown rapidly and drawn to them many who would otherwise
                  have left the State. But they are not strong enough magnets to hold all, and a
                  larger number of native born Vermonters are to be found in other states of the
                  Union than are natives of any other state scattered from their home state. At the
                  same time Vermont increases very slowly by its birth rate, and for every thousand
                  who leave the State less than a third of that number come in to take their places.</p>
               <p>In the light of the above, it appeared to the workers in the Eugenics Survey as a
                  matter of considerable interest to trace some of the changes in activities and in
                  the population of a single long established rural town and to note to what extent
                  some of the oldest families were influenced by these changes.</p>
               <p>Dunnfield is one of the Vermont towns which has shown a steady decline since the
                  middle of the last century. Sometime before 1790 a number of families from
                  Connecticut and New Hampshire settled there. Since those first pioneer days scions
                  of these families have held positions of trust and leadership in Vermont and in
                  other parts of the country. But their contribution to other states cannot be
                  traced here since this study is primarily limited to noting changes from the point
                  of view of the town itself.</p>
               <p>Today only six of the old families have descendants in the town. These very kindly
                  told us the story of their forefathers who had settled there. Sometimes, of
                  course, they were not able to tell about whole branches of their line, members of
                  which had left the town very long ago. The information they furnished pointed to
                  interesting changes in the town and in their own families, particularly in regard
                  to those factors which influence population decline, namely, limited occupational
                  opportunities, afforded, emigration and decline in birth rate.</p>
               <p>Dunnfield has always been a fertile farming area. The early settlers grew grain
                  and raised sheep. But there was also some valuable timber on the land and it was
                  not long before some of the enterprising members had added lumbering mills to
                  their farms. For a time four of these were successful. Other members of the family
                  established taverns. These also were successful because Dunnfield was on the main
                  road and a center for stage lines.</p>
               <p>Between 1812 and 1830 the town grew rapidly so that even before 18~0 it had
                  reached the highest period of development with a population of nearly 1,700. At
                  this time, besides the four sawmills, there were several distilleries and two
                  tanneries. In the one village in the town were two general stores. There were four
                  active church societies. An academy for secondary education flourished and drew to
                  it students from long distances. Though every farm family was self‐sufficient
                  there was a strong sense of community life and members of the old families took
                  keen interest in politics, church and education.</p>
               <p>But even before 1850 changes had already begun creeping in. Restlessness among the
                  younger generation had shown itself. By 1830 some of them had chosen to farm at
                  some distance from their native town. By 1840 some answered the call to go to the
                  new lands of the Middle West. A little later, many others went to California to
                  try their luck at the gold rush or at fruit farming. Thus many of those who showed
                  that same initiative and venturesomeness characteristic of the earliest Dunnfield
                  pioneers were the first to move away to newer fields.</p>
               <p>In 1848 the main railway came through but did not touch on the old village, the
                  center of stage lines. It passed through the northern edge of the town and
                  established large railway centers at neighboring towns on either side of
                  Dunnfield. The effects of this were soon felt. Activities gradually died down in
                  the old village and the new one built near the railway never became very large.
                  Some of the people who still loved farming moved to the equally fertile town next
                  to Dunnfield where a large railway center was located; others, attracted by city
                  life, moved to the rapidly growing city on the other side. These at least were
                  some of the obvious influences causing the population decline of Dunnfield.</p>
               <p>During all this period of change, opportunities for economic advancement in the
                  old town did not increase. Lumbering, for instance, declined so that today none of
                  the old mills are in use. Other countries offered too keen a competition in sheep
                  raising for it to pay Vermonters to continue this industry. Neither was it worth
                  while to compete with the westerners in growing grain. Dunnfield, like other
                  Vermont towns, began to concentrate on growing potatoes, corn and apples, and on
                  dairying. The latter has now become the leading industry. At first every family
                  made its own butter and cheese. But this was changed with the coming into use of
                  the cream separator. Then creameries sprang up, a cheese factory, and two
                  butter-tub factories. But after a while, when improved railway communications
                  brought Dunnfield into closer touch with the metropolitan centers, New York and
                  Boston, it became more profitable to ship whole milk rather than butter or cheese.
                  This is what is done today.</p>
               <p>Dunnfield then offers only limited occupational opportunities, chiefly in dairying
                  and to a less extent in the growing of potatoes, corn and apples. Elsewhere,
                  however, with the growing complexity of our social order, opportunities more
                  varied than this are afforded. Therefore many enterprising, young people
                  interested in other fields have left the town.</p>
               <p>All these changes have left their mark on the social life of the town. Instead of
                  keeping up the local activities the interest of the people has centered more in
                  the nearby city so that the town has become something like a suburb to that city.
                  Most of its people go there for amusements and for shopping. Those wanting higher
                  education go to the city, for the famous academy long since died. Instead of the
                  four Protestant churches, which we may assume to have been well supported in the
                  early days, only one now draws to it any congregation. Part of this, of course, is
                  due to the changing element in the population, the newcomers being mostly Roman
                  Catholics of Irish stock.</p>
               <p>In relation to these changes it is of considerable interest to note the part
                  played by the leading old families of the town.</p>
            </div2>
            <div2>
               <head>
                  <hi rend="center">
                     <hi rend="italic">Occupations</hi>
                  </hi>
               </head>
               <p>Since the earliest pioneering days descendants of the six old families have
                  usually been farmers. A larger number than the average, however, have gone into
                  private business or into professions. Approximately 37 percent have been farmers,
                  16 percent have been in businesses of their own, 11 percent have been in the
                  professions, 7 percent in the higher ranks of trade, and 17 percent in clerical
                  work or labor. Differences of course are to be found within each family, some
                  being represented to a much larger extent than others in business and in the
                  professions.</p>
               <p>Today there are twenty-five gainfully employed descendants of the six families
                  living in Dunnfield. Fifteen of these are farmers; five have their own businesses,
                  such as store and gristmill; one is a teacher; four are laborers. There is no
                  water power and no obvious raw material of value for manufacturing, so that the
                  starting of any new industry would seem to be a risky venture. The business of the
                  community is adequately taken care of by the existing stores, insurance agents,
                  etc. And so even today there appears to be little opportunity in Dunnfield for
                  those interested in occupations other shall farming.</p>
               <p>But even the farms have not succeeded in holding all those primarily interested in
                  agriculture. Many members of the old families went away to farm or grow fruit in
                  the far West, and judging from their successes it would seem that they were men
                  whom Dunnfield could ill afford to lose. In 1840, for instance, when a number
                  began going West, three brothers in the Grove family left to take up farms in
                  Iowa. John Grove did especially well, becoming a successful farmer and a leading
                  merchant. His children in turn prospered; two of his sons farmed on a large scale,
                  one was a merchant, another a lawyer. His unmarried daughters took up employment,
                  one being a nurse, the other a librarian. His grandchildren have branched into
                  wider fields. Three are farmers, one is an editor, another is a banker, one is an
                  engineer who has traveled all over the world, and still another is an automobile
                  dealer. One unmarried granddaughter is a teacher, the other is a chemist in a
                  large laboratory. Now his great‐grandchildren are nearly all receiving college
                  educations so that they may be expected to enter even more diverse occupations.
                  Descendants of this same family who left Vermont for other New England States
                  similarly took up a variety of occupations. Those who remained in Dunnfield, on
                  the other hand, have all continued to farm.</p>
            </div2>
            <div2>
               <head>
                  <hi rend="center">
                     <hi rend="italic">Emigration</hi>
                  </hi>
               </head>
               <p>At each census since 1850, approximately 40 percent of native Vermonters were to
                  be found in other states compared to 60 percent remaining in Vermont. The six
                  Dunnfield families have had their share in this emigration. From the time of the
                  earliest settlement (1790) to the present, 958 descendants of these six families
                  have been known. Thirty-nine percent of these have left Vermont. Another 30
                  percent have moved to other parts of the State, while 31 percent have remained in
                  Dunnfield. Today 520 living descendants of these families are known. Two hundred
                  fifty-nine of these are living outside of Vermont; 196 are in other parts of the
                  State; 65 are in Dunnfield.</p>
               <p>
                  <figure>
                     <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-13.jpg"/></figure>
                  </figure>
               </p>
               <p>Throughout the entire period 37 percent of the members of these families have
                  moved to other parts of the Union than the New England States. At the present time
                  33.1 percent are in this group. A fairly consistent proportion of those who have
                  left Vermont have gone to other New England States. Since 1790 11 percent have
                  gone to these states. At the present time 16.7 percent of those living are to be
                  found there. Over the whole period of time, however, 61 percent of the descendants
                  of these families have remained in Vermont. Sixty-two and seven-tenths percent of
                  those now living are still in the State. Therefore, it is evident that though
                  Dunnfield has lost by the moving away of these families, other Vermont towns have
                  gained. These six families, however, have taken very active part in the emigration
                  from Dunnfield which has caused its decline in population of over 45 percent since
                  1850. While one admires the initiative of members of these families one regrets
                  for the sake of Vermont that they are lost to Vermont.</p>
               <p>Individual families vary considerably as to the proportion which has gone to other
                  states. One of the six old families has still all its representatives in Vermont,
                  whereas another one has 90 percent of its descendants in other states. The members
                  of the first mentioned (family which has all its representatives in Vermont) are
                  practically all farmers or farm laborers. Only 5 percent have gone into business
                  and a similar proportion into the professions. On the other hand, the family which
                  has sent most of its members out of the State is represented in a number of
                  different occupations.</p>
            </div2>
            <div2>
               <head>
                  <hi rend="center">
                     <hi rend="italic">Low Birth Rate</hi>
                  </hi>
               </head>
               <p>These same families have assisted in the decline of the town in another way. That
                  is, by the small rate of natural increase. Vermont more than other states has
                  developed slowly by its own birth rate, and this trend has been particularly
                  noticeable among the oldest families, in the first two generations of which five,
                  six and seven children were to be found. From then on there was a decline so that
                  now only two or three children are usually born to a couple. As a matter of fact,
                  considered from the earliest pioneering days to the present time, 17.4 percent of
                  these families have had no children. Forty-six and five-tenths per cent have had
                  one, two and three children. Only 36.1 percent have had more than three children.
                  In one case, for instance, it seemed at times as if the whole line were about to
                  die out, but just at that time some couple, having six or seven children, gave it
                  a new lease of life. In another family the infant mortality rate was 5.2 percent,
                  so that this again was a serious check on natural increase. Raising so few
                  children in so many successive generations, these people have not contributed
                  greatly to the population of the town.</p>
               <p>Each of these families tells a different story, but in each are found similar
                  trends, particularly in regard to emigration from Vermont and decline in birth
                  rate as well as taking part in a greater diversity of occupations after leaving
                  their native town. Changes have come over both the town and the families. Both
                  have probably made progress in their own particular way. The families through
                  changing opportunities have learned to express varying phases of their inherent
                  ability. The town, too, has adapted itself to changing needs and though for some
                  time there may be a period of depression so profound as to seem like death, it may
                  only presage the birth of a new life, a new expression of its functioning as part
                  of the organism that is Dunnfield.</p>
            </div2>
         </div1>
         <div1>
            <head xml:id="burr">
               <hi rend="center">IV. THE "BURR" FAMILY</hi>
               <lb/>
               <hi rend="center">
                  <hi rend="italic">Study of a Key Family in a Rural Town</hi>
               </hi>
            </head>
            <p>In the annual report for 1929, an account of the "Fermion" Family of "Garfield,"
               Vermont, was given. The first representative of this family in Vermont settled in
               Garfield in 1803 and his descendants have been prominent in the town ever since that
               date. But, however important the Furmans may have been in the development and history
               of Garfield in the past, it is apparent that their line is almost at an end, for
               there are only four Fermion households in the town at present, and what few children
               there are, have moved away.</p>
            <p>A study has been made of another old family of Garfield‐‐a family which has been
               prominent in the town since 1796 when the first representative in Vermont came to
               Garfield from Dover, New Hampshire, and which is not in immediate danger of becoming
               extinct in the town. This is the "Burr" family. There are at least a dozen Burr
               households in Garfield and vicinity and in most of them there are children.</p>
            <p>According to the records of the New England Historical and Genealogical Society, the
               first of this family in the United States was William Burr who came from England in
               1650, lived in Ipswich and Gloucester, and died in Salem in 1654, leaving a widow,
               Patience, and at least four children. One of these children, Martin, after living in
               Gloucester, "was received an inhabitant of Dover, New Hampshire, August 4, 1659."
               This Martin and his wife, Edith Daws, were the progenitors of the Burr family in
               Garfield and adjoining townships.</p>
            <p>In 1796, one hundred and forty years after Martin Burr settled in Dover, New
               Hampshire, his great-great-great-grandson, John Burr, came to Garfield and settled.
               Probably about the same time that John came to Garfield, Henry Burr, a cousin of
               John's father, came from Berwick, Maine, and settled in an adjoining town, and in
               1800 two grown sons of Henry came from Berwick to join their father. The two men,
               John and Henry, were the originators of the Burr family in Vermont. Other relatives
               now live in Dover and Rochester, New Hampshire, and in Berwick, Maine, where there is
               a street named after the family of John's wife.</p>
            <p>As a family, the Burrs give the impression of being rather conservative, reticent,
               possibly somewhat slow to act, reliable and reserved. The description of his
               grandmother by one of them might well be applied to many members of the family‐‐"She
               was not emotionally quick, but every action counted." Another member of the family
               says of them, "They are not quick, but like the Indians they never forget a wrong,
               and they are hard working people." One wife of a Burr, very energetic and not
               particularly reserved or conventional herself, says of her husband's family, "If
               their fathers boiled sap on the 28th of March, then they would keep right on boiling
               sap on the 28th of March, even though the seasons changed so that summer came in
               winter and winter came in summer."</p>
            <p>Originally the Burrs were a Quaker family and a few faithful Quakers are still to be
               found among them. But in Garfield, although most of the early settlers belonged to
               the Society of Friends, and although for many years that was the "only society that
               sustained regular religious worship in the town," they have not, as a family,
               identified themselves with any sect. Some one has said of them‐‐"They mean to do
               right and they do in general, but they are not church people." Stories are told of
               members of the family who, even in Garfield's Quaker days, would not conform. One
               young man would start on a journey to the nearest gristmill wearing his Quaker hat as
               directed by his parents, but would leave it hidden near the road a mile or so away
               from home and pick it up again on his way back. When John Burr's son became of age,
               the Quakers came to "reckon with him" as was their custom, to persuade him to join
               the church. He replied to their arguments that he would join the church if they would
               let him go hunting on Sunday. They would not let him and so he never joined. But
               although few of his descendants have been active in the church, John Burr was made
               Clerk at the first organization of the Society of Friends in Garfield, July 16, 1801.</p>
            <p>The Burrs have been fairly active in civic affairs. One member of the family was a
               delegate from his section to the Constitutional Convention held in 1836; another was
               State's Attorney from 1866 to 1868; two more were Assistant County Judges for one
               term each; and fourteen members of the family were Representatives to the State
               Legislature in the period from 1822 to 1915. Of these fourteen Representatives, one
               served four sessions and another six. We have less exact data for the period since
               1915, tent it is certain that the family has continued to hold its own in this
               respect up to the present date, although there have been no offices as high as
               State's Attorney held by them in recent years.</p>
            <p>There does not seem to be a tendency toward any particular defect or defects, either
               mental or physical, in the family. Seven or eight members of the family are said to
               have died of tuberculosis; two, of cancer; two, probably of venereal disease. Three
               members are deaf. Four, including one epileptic, have been in hospitals for the
               insane; four more are said to be "crazy," not normal, or very peculiar; three more
               have been undoubtedly insane at some time but never in a hospital; three have been
               insane in their last sickness; two have gone on periodic drinking sprees; six have
               been definitely low-grade mentally and six more are said to have been "not very
               bright." One small branch of the family is particularly unfortunate for of the number
               of insane and mentally subnormal in the whole family, four came from this branch in
               three generations.</p>
            <p>One of these four, Nellie, was "paralyzed" and had to be carried about on a sort of
               stretcher. While "paralyzed" she was "perfectly able to kick a heavy soapstone off
               the foot of her bed when she wanted to." After eighteen years she suddenly found
               herself able to walk. A niece who cared for Nellie during the later years of her life
               runs through the whole gamut of neurotic traits in describing her. She was insane at
               the close of her life but never violent, and was never taken to a hospital.</p>
            <p>Her brother, Daniel, also was a peculiar person, and was insane in his last illness.
               He had a son who was never able to move. He lay on a bed all of his life, "had no
               spine," could not talk but was able to make some sounds. He could point to a lost
               thimble on the floor if he had happened to see it fall, but was never able to do
               anything more difficult than this.</p>
            <p>Daniel's son John has a son who is undeniably subnormal, and a daughter who is quite
               probably so. In sharp contrast to these two we find three other children of this same
               family doing well. One is a university student in high standing, two are college
               graduates and teachers‐‐one the dean in a normal school.</p>
            <p>What have been the occupations of the Burr family? Excluding those who have died
               young, minors, and housewives, we know the occupations of 336 individuals:</p>
            <p>
               <list type="simple">
                  <item>95‐‐28% have owned or operated farms.</item>
                  <item>62‐‐19% have been laborers (including farm laborers).</item>
                  <item>60‐18% have been skilled laborers (blacksmiths, mechanics, garage workers,
                     electricians, foremen in mills, carpenters) .</item>
                  <item>58‐17% have been professional people. (This group includes: one lawyer, nine
                     ministers, one veterinary, one electrical engineer, seven doctors, two artists,
                     several teachers, some of whom were women who gave up teaching upon their
                     marriage).</item>
                  <item>41‐12% have owned or operate businesses</item>
                  <item>.20‐6% have been business workers (salesmen, assistant superintendents of
                     small factories, bank tellers, clerks, etc.).</item>
               </list>
            </p>
            <p>The preceding figures are for the whole family so far as known.. This includes those
               who never moved to Garfield, as well as those who did go but moved away again, and
               those who settled permanently in the town. The occupations of the family in relation
               to its moving to Garfield are interesting to note. Table I shows this. It brings out
               that more than half the family never moved to Garfield; and that 15 percent of those
               who did, did not settle there permanently. The largest group to move away were
               laborers. None of the large farm owners moved out.</p>
            <p>
               <figure>
                  <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-14.jpg"/></figure>
               </figure>
            </p>
            <p>Beyond its relativity to the town of Garfield has a further significance. One feels
               that it places the Burrs as a normal, healthy Vermont family. Conservative, to be
               sure. yet adaptable. They have the example of the son of their Garfield pioneer, John
               Burr, who after suffering heavy losses to his property in the flood of 1830, reckoned
               that floods were a fortuitous occurrence against which he could not defend himself
               and promptly moved himself, family and farm further up the hill where nothing but a
               forty-clay deluge could harm him. From John has descended a sound backbone of farming
               men and women. And the descendants have not crowded themselves into Garfield where
               they would have intermarried and become enervated for want of work. Early members
               built and operated grist‐ and wood‐working mills. Following generations have
               developed naturally, taking advantage of opportunities offered by new economic
               tendencies. once someone ran a gristmill, now another has a large manufacturing
               plant; once there were blacksmiths; now there are skilled mechanics; once country
               school teachers, now college professors. There are the manifestations of stern men
               and women who persist in working a sterner soil in Garfield. The Burrs are not alone.
               one id glad that there are many such families in Vermont. </p>
         </div1>
         <div1>
            <head rend="center">V. CHART OF DEFECTS FOUND AMONG<lb/>FIFTY‐FIVE DEGENERATE FAMILIES
               STUDIED</head>
            <p>In each of the three preceding annual reports there appeared articles in regard to a
               series of fifty-five low-grade families. It will be remembered that these families
               were brought to the attention of the Survey on account of their belonging in that
               lower portion of the population column characterized by defectiveness, degeneracy,
               delinquency, or pauperism. Most of these families had been represented in State
               institutions for several generations or under the care of private organizations. They
               were regarded in our study as a detriment in the past and as apparently likely to
               pass on hereditary traits which would make them a detriment in the future.</p>
            <p>Since the present studies of the Survey are directed toward higher sections of the
               population column in which defects of various kinds are much less serious, it seems
               proper to publish this final summary of the results that have been compiled in the
               office from data collected in the field in regard to all of these fifty-five
               "low-grade" families.</p>
            <p>Approximately the whole of the first report and the articles under the following
               titles in the second and third annual reports dealt with these families: "An
               Expensive Luxury," page 14; Table and Chart at back of second annual report; and "The
               Children of Feebleminded and Insane Parents," page 15 of the third annual report.</p>
            <p>
               <figure>
                  <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-15.jpg"/></figure>
               </figure>
            </p>
            <p>
               <figure>
                  <figure><graphic url="figures/fifthannual-t16.jpg"/></figure>
               </figure>
            </p>
            <p>
               <figure>
                  <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-17.jpg"/></figure>
               </figure>
            </p>
            <p>
               <figure>
                  <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-18.jpg"/></figure>
               </figure>
            </p>
            <p>
               <figure>
                  <figure><graphic url="figures/fourthannual-19.jpg"/></figure>
               </figure>
            </p>
         </div1>
      </body>
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</TEI>

