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"In the last election Prime Minister X went to Ethiopia and met with the
King of Kings and had a conversation with him. He came back to Jamaica and showed
the people a Rod, which he said was given to him by the King, Haile Selassie
the First, to bring freedom to the Black People of Jamaica. He carried that
Rod all around during the campaign. The Rastafarians heard this; the Dreadlocks
heard this; and this rod caused him to win a landslide victory for the Party.
Well, I and I welcome that, because the former government did nothing for the
cause of Africa, Rastas, or no one. As you know, we Rastas do not vote, because
you cannot take out a rat and put in a cat, but the Prime Minister came to power
talking like a Rastafarian. He started some progressive moves on behalf of the
African peoples of this country. But after a while he forgot the Rod; he forgot
to talk about Africa; he forgot to talk about the Rastafarians. What we now
know, is that if the Prime Minister even wanted to do something good for the
African peoples of this country, his lieutenants will not allow him to do it.
After he came back from Ethiopia he called himself Joshua, the one who
was to take us to the Promised Land, but the only freedom we have seen up to
now is the word Socialism. To be honest, he had done better than the other party, for the other Party
was so anti-Black that not even Elijah Muhammad could enter Jamaica as a Black
man. Today, it is a little better; there is freedom of speech for I and I. As
you see, we even got the Marcus Garvey Park to use. Here and there we have seen
a little change on the part of the government but not enough to bring the Black
masses out of the slums they are in right now."(Barrett 180) This quote, along with numerous other readings, has sparked my interest
in the political scene and situation surrounding Jamaica, Rastafarianism and
reggae music in the 1970s. It seems to me, despite the economic shambles
of Jamaica and the staunch and deliberate refusal of Rastafarians to participate
in "politricks", that politics has had a deep impact on any and every
aspect of life in Jamaica. I hope to gain a better understanding of Jamaicas
political parties, what they stood for, why they sparked gruesome violence,
and their impact on Rastafarians and reggae music. I will be focusing largely
on the Peoples National Party and their leader, Michael Manley and also
on reggae musics response and involvement in politics. Beginnings and Independence As a starting point, I think I should give a little background information
on the emergence of the Peoples National Party (PNP) and the Jamaica Labour
Party (JLP). These two parties grew out of trade union foundations with the
PNP forming in 1938 under Norman Manley and the JLP founded in 1943 by Alexander
Bustamante. (Floyd 138) This turning point in Jamaicas political development
came in 1938 after violence broke out when labor unrest came to a head in Westmoreland.
This wave spread over Spanish Town and Kingston and ended with many lost lives
although it brought Jamaican conditions to the attention of the imperial government.
(Barrett 64) The next major stepping stone for Jamaica was its claim of independence in
1962. Jamaica had been in a state of gradual decolonization since 1944, when
on August 6, 1962 it went from being a Crown Colony to being an autonomous nation
within the British Commonwealth. (Floyd 49) Jamaica has been classified as a
postcolonial, "plural" society with a high degree of economic inequality.
(Waters 3) "Plural" refers to the societal stratification in which
members are distinguished by fundamental differences in their institutional
practices. The history of Jamaica reeks of colonialism and plantation societies,
both of which helped create a society vastly divided by race and class. Consequently,
shortly after independence, Jamaica held the distinction of having the worlds
highest level of inequality, with the wealthiest five percent of the population
receiving thirty percent of the national income and the poorest twenty percent
of the population holding two percent of the national income. (Waters 9) At
this time, the Jamaica Labour Party was in power and its attention was turned
to economic revival with an emphasis on attracting foreign capital to the island
for purposes of investment in manufacturing enterprises and the creation of
job opportunities. (Floyd 144) Early Politics The Peoples National Party and the Jamaica Labour Party are neither
class parties nor racial parties. Originally, both leaders were Brown members
of the middle class. Nonetheless, some of the subtle differences between the
original party leaders came to be reflected in the characteristics of the organizations
they led. The Jamaica Labour Party was founded by Bustamante, a Brown independent
property owner whose mother was Brown and whose father was Irish. According
to an informant, the "masses" always had representatives in the JLP.
(Waters 55) Bustamante presented himself as a representative of the "common"
people but at the same time, was known to be uneducated. It has also been implied
that the JLP was more representative of the African section of Jamaica. Their
original election symbol was the hand, representative of unskilled, manual labor.
In its early days, the JLP won the support of both the poorest sector and the
wealthiest sector who feared Manleys socialism. (Waters 56) On the other hand, the Peoples National Party gained support from
those in between, especially in the Corporate Area among the urban working class.
Although Norman Manley was also a product of the middle class, the PNP generally
attracted the members of the middle class with educational status as well as
wealth. The PNP was the "middle class more intellectual urban party"
and "the party for people who wanted to be considered respectable, decent
and intelligent." (Waters 57) In 1969, Norman Manley resigned and passed
leadership of the PNP to his son, Michael. Michael Manley was an honours graduate
of the University of London, a former pilot with the Royal Canadian Force, a
journalist and an experienced trade unionist as one-time Island Supervisor of
the National Workers Union. (Floyd 145) As time progressed, each of the
two parties class support began to change. As a final note, I want to mention briefly the characteristic political
violence that erupted in cities prior to elections in Jamaica. Since 1944 there
has been intimidation of the other partys supporters and disruption of
the political meetings, not to mention the number of members of the lower class
who were in possession of guns and were paid to protect party supporters. Most
"gang" violence was confined to Western Kingston, but eventually started
to spread to the slum areas during the 1960s. By 1976 and 1980, violence,
or "tribal war" as Jamaicans refer to it, had risen to alarming levels.
(Waters 58) The 1972 Election The year 1972 brought with it heightening social tension, crime rate, and
student unrest at universities a perfect setting in which to seek a fresh
leader for the country. (Floyd 146) The 1972 election was a major landmark in
Jamaicas history, for the Peoples National Party under the leadership
of Michael Manley was swept into power after ten years of JLP domination. The
PNP won the election with the largest majority in the nations history,
capturing thirty-seven seats to the JLPs sixteen. The political campaign
was straightforward and generally non-violent, although there were numerous
clashes between rival campaigning rallies throughout Jamaica. (Floyd 146) Prior to the elections, the Jamaican Labour Party, in advertisements in
the Daily Gleaner, claimed to have promoted dramatic improvements in
the schools, hospitals, rural industrialization, roads and water supplies, agricultural
production and marketing. They concentrated on publicizing their record of achievements
while pushing aside unfulfilled promises and unresolved issues. Some of their
campaign slogans were "A change isnt coming with the JLP, it has
happened already", "Change Without Chaos", "One Good Terms
Deserves Another", and "Who Trusts the PNP, Not You Not Me!"
(Floyd 146) The JLP made the unwise decision to publicly associate the PNP with
"black power" which caused many left-wing extremists to retaliate
against them and vote PNP. (Floyd 146) The Peoples National Party focused its campaign on the vast gap between
the claims and realities of the JLP. After all, six years of independence had
not filled some basic, if unrealistic expectations. Unemployment was at an estimated
thirty percent, and eighty percent of those employed were making less than twenty
dollars weekly. Major sectors of the economy such as bauxite, tourism and banking
were still controlled by foreign powers. (Waters 93) Some of the PNP campaign
slogans included "Time for a Change", "Better Must Come"
and "Power for the People". (Waters 114) The Peoples National
Party claimed that the number of murders per year had tripled between 1961 and
1971, while assault and rape had increased more than twenty fold. They vowed
to tackle the longstanding problems of poverty, unemployment, and inflated living
costs, problems that proved to be much harder to resolve than to talk about.
In his victory speech, Manley stated: "As a result or the election, I hope
that I will be in a position to heal some of the bitter divisions that have
entered into our Jamaican life . . . I want very much to restore in the Jamaican
people that confidence in public integrity of which my late father was perhaps
the greatest symbol, because I feel that this is one of the greatest needs in
our country today." (Floyd 147) During its first term in office, the PNP delivered on several of
its promises. The voting age was lowered to eighteen, all book-banning orders
were cancelled, and tax reformation was implemented by increasing rates on certain
luxury items and changing the basis of the property tax. The government gradually
instituted social programs such as the National Literacy Programme, free education
up to university level, and minimum wage for domestic workers. (Waters 143)
One of Manleys best-remembered actions during this period was his imposition
of the bauxite levy, which increased Jamaicas bauxite income six fold
and gave Jamaica international recognition in the Third World. (Waters 143) At this point in history, Rastafarianism was gradually gaining attention in
Jamaica. Although typically Rastafarians didnt participate in politics,
Manley was somewhat successful in wriggling his way into the Rastafarian scene
through icons, music, language and symbols. His 1972 victory was due, largely
to his appeal to the youths of the cities, the "sufferahs", the unemployed
and dispossessed. As mentioned earlier, Manley visited Africa in 1969 and returned
to Jamaica with a "walking stick" supposedly given to him by His Imperial
Majesty. He referred to the stick as " the Rod of Correction" and
to himself as Joshua the one who would lead the people into the Promised
Land. (Barrett 220) The 1972 election was so focused about the Rod, that there
were full-page campaign advertisements about it, scandals, myths, and strong
Rastafarian superstitions. For instance, rods were used in a number of Obeah
ceremonies, in which people were beaten with rods to drive away evil and corruption.
(Waters 125) In addition to symbols and Manleys use of the Rod of Correction
in his 1972 campaign, he also integrated Rastafarian language into his speech
- phrases such as "hail the man", "love" and Rastafarian
I-isms. (Barrett 222) Manleys relationship with Bob Marley also gained him support and
admiration with many Jamaicans. Manley politics and Marleys music were
undeniably integrated during the rule of the PNP, with Manley and Marley even
living as neighbors on Hope Road. During the first four years of the Manley
regime, Marley gave many free performances as the request of the PNP
two of the most significant being the "Smile Jamaica Concert" in 1976
and the "One Love Peace Concert" in 1978. Just prior to the Smile
Jamaica Concert, Marley, his wife Rita, and his manager Don Taylor, were shot
by gunmen at Bobs home on Hope Road. Many believe that this shooting was
carried out by Jamaica Labour Party supporters although no concrete evidence
has ever been brought forth to support this belief. (Barrett 223) The One Love
Peace Concert was marked by Marley bringing Manley and Seaga, the JLPs
leader, onstage with him and joining their hands in a sign of peace. Manley
and Marley certainly had a growing impact on one another. A Rastafarian professor
at the University of the West Indies stated, Since 1975 the most important influences on the growth of Rastafarianism have
been the impact of Bob Marley and Michael Manley. The Manley regime provided
a backdrop in which the Rastafarian movement could reveal itself to the Jamaican
society. Manley provided space for the Rastafarians because he articulated
a Third World philosophy and Marley opened up that space. It was during this
frame of time that we saw the massive expansion of the Rastafarian value system
throughout the Caribbean and North America. (Barrett 221) The 1976 Election The Peoples National Party formally and publicly introduced democratic
socialism into its philosophy in 1974. Although ambiguous, the most clearly
understood meaning of this was that it was a combination of capitalist and socialist
socio-economic principles. Manley hoped to heighten the democratic political
process, the Christian principles of brotherhood and equality, the ideals of
equal opportunity and equal rights, and the determination to prevent the exploitation
of Jamaicans. (Keith 24) In 1976, the Peoples National Party was returned
to office once again in an overwhelming victory, with forty seven seats in Parliament
as opposed to the JLPs thirteen. I should be pointed out though, that
by 1976, the middle and upper classes that might have previously seen Manley
as a Jamaican John Kennedy now were quite worried that Manley was becoming a
potential Fidel Castro. Many of them sought alternative in the Jamaica Labour
Party. Even in 1975, there were visible signs of economic deterioration that
lead up to premature and significant political violence. Much of the Jamaica Labour Partys campaigning was negative. They
were accused of "reactionary nationalism: capitalism warmed over economic
sabotage, vicious propaganda and a strategy of guns and violence." Seaga
focused his attention on the economic crisis that Jamaica had been experiencing
since 1972. In an American style campaign, he took on the role of "freedom
leader", planning to liberate Jamaica from the threat of Communism. Some
of the JLPs campaign slogans were "Turn Them Back" and "The
Socialists Have Failed." (Waters 152) In essence, the three-week pre-election
campaigning period was reduced to a duel between socialism and capitalism. (Floyd
149) The PNPs campaign focused on its record of achievements during its
past term. Some of their slogans were "Forward Together", "Forward
Joshua", "We Know Where Were Going" and "We Are Not
For Sale". (Waters 152) The PNP also stressed deep ties with Norman Manleys
leadership by quoting his views on democratic socialism: "My generation
had a distinct mission to perform. It was to create a national spirit with which
we could identify ourselves as a people for the purpose of achieving independence
on the political plane. I am convinced, deeply convinced, that the role of this
generation is to proceed to the social and economic reform of Jamaica"
(Waters 152) The election of 1976 was different from the 1972 election in that it was
closely tied to class and race. Not only were these issues of class and race
perpetuated by the PNP and JLP, but also by the musicians, especially reggae
musicians, of the time. By December 1976, the party loyalties had changed so
that the Brown middle class and merchant class, particularly minority groups,
were siding with the Jamaica Labour Party. The Peoples National Party,
having once been representative of the middle classes, was putting great efforts
into gaining support of the Black and poor masses. (Waters 153) Campaign wise,
the JLP tried to play down class conflict as well as racial conflict. At the
same time, it was the first time that a White man (Edward Seaga) was leading
the JLP, as opposed to the Brown man (Manley) who headed the PNP. Some respondents
saw Manley as trying to identify himself with the Black race, and reinforcing
this identification with his marriage in 1972 to Beverly Anderson, a Black woman.
(Waters 162) Rastafarian symbols were used by both political parties during the 1976
election. Rastafarianism was slowly becoming more socially accepted and even
admired. "Rasta was more fashionable, more legitimate", "Rasta
had gained acceptability and respectability it was accepted as a part
of Jamaican life". (Waters 176) People perceived Rastafarians as having
made a positive contribution to Jamaican culture. "The Rastas sensitized
the national consciousness in attitudes toward black and poor." (Waters
176) Rastafarian language and appearance were the two dominant forces put to
use by both political parties. The JLP used Rastafarian language to promote
their political position. They modified the phrase "I-up" to "High-
Up" implying that the JLP was higher than the PNP, ready to take over the
government. (Waters 178) The PNP on the other hand, made use of the Rastafarian
play on words, "Blind-aga", referring to Seagas blindness. In
Rasta reasoning, "to see" denotes ones ability to "see
the light" or to believe. (Waters 179) Apparently, in the PNPs eyes,
Seaga was undeserving of that title. One of the most recognizable and visible
Rastafarian pieces of apparel is the tam or the knitted cap. During the 1976
campaign, many photographs were taken of PNP officials wearing tams and Kariba
suits modified safari jackets. Although Kariba suits are not typically
associated with Rastafarianism, it was yet another way for the PNP to dissociate
itself with the common suit and tie image of the politician. The "jacket
and tie" has often been associated with oppression in reggae and Rastafarianism.
(Waters 181) Political violence surrounding the 1976 election erupted with astounding force.
While the 1972 campaign was remembered as "joyous" and "warm",
which is an exaggeration, the 1976 election brought with it the ugly reality
of increasing sophistication of weapons and technique of the party gangs, ghetto
youths and thugs. Nearly a hundred people were killed in the first five months
of 1976. Rival gangs were at each others throats, ready to retaliate at
any moment. Besides the violence that surrounded Kingston and other urban areas,
there were other vicious acts that circulated throughout the political scene.
Violence in Trench Town coincided with a Kingston meeting of International Monetary
Fund officials. Seventeen people died of food poisoning in 1976 from a shipment
of flour that had evidently been contaminated with parathion on its way to Jamaica.
Many more attacks were made against the security forces supporting the government
at the time. (Waters 145) Mid-June 1976 brought accusations from an inside JLP organizer that members
of the JLP were directly involved in the violence. He implicated Pearnel Charles,
a deputy leader of the JLP, and the very next day the government declared a
state of emergency. Within a week, Charles was detained along with two other
JLP candidates and one PNP candidate. By mid-August, one hundred and seventy
three people in all were in detention and the state of emergency continued for
ten whole months. (Waters 146) Political Influence on Music The influence of politics, both campaigns and violence had a dramatic effect
on the music of Jamaica, especially the evolving and emerging music called reggae
music. As mentioned earlier, Manley as a politician utilized reggae artists
like Bob Marley to validate his connection with Jamaican sufferers and Rastafarians.
Manley made the following statement about reggae music: Like all folk music, it is all essentially commentary; but what is unique about
this commentary is that it reflects in every thought, in every musical pulse,
something to do with survival and accommodation. The children of the Diaspora
struggle for a place in society to this day. Worse, they struggle for their
identities, mislaid as the slave ships made their way to the New World through
the Middle Passage. Therefore, their commentaries must deal with these realities.
(Davis and Simon 11) In the 1972 election, "Better Must Come" was a commonly heard slogan
and philosophy coming from the PNP. The Peoples National Party knew just
as well as the rest of Jamaica that the "rich were getting richer and the
poor were getting poorer." (Waters 131) "Better Must Come" was
written by Delroy Wilson, but ironically, was not referring to the politics
or oppression of the poor in Jamaica at the time. Instead, Wilson had written
it in lament of the fact that he just "didnt have enough hits."
(Waters 130) Nonetheless, Wilsons lyrics that tell of his suspicion that
others are "trying to keep me down" and "trying to take advantage
of me" are also pertinent to the issues felt by the poor masses at the
time of the 1972 election. (Waters 130) For these people, the song spoke of
the aspirations, wishes and griefs of the Rastafarian and the subordinate class
as a whole. (Keith 180) Jacob Millers song, "Roman Soldiers of Babylon" criticizes
politicians: See them coming in plain clothes Dont give up, dont give up The Roman soldiers of Babylon Are here to fight us Dont give up, dont give up The Roman soldiers of Babylon are right behind us Coming from the North with their pockets Full of ammunition Trying to turn dreadlocks into politician Marcus Garvey did say Things like this would happen in this time Theyre in plain clothes! Theyre coming trying to fight Rastafari (Waters 174) He refers to politicians in "plain clothes", and as mentioned before,
the Peoples National Party put a lot of effort into their physical image,
especially in the 1976 election. The "Roman soldiers" had ammunition
in their possession and sparked violent activity and animosity in areas of Jamaica.
Miller also referred to the politicians efforts to please the Rastafarian
community and to gain their support. I sense a good deal of bitterness and cynicism
in Millers lyrics fully justified in my opinion because political
violence permeated the Rastafarian community since most Rastas belonged to the
poorer class and were living in urban poverty-stricken areas. On top of this,
the politicians were at the same time, trying to appeal to the Rastas, almost
patronizing them in hopes of gaining their participation in their politricks.
The often-present and popular theme of violence in the reggae music that
emerged at the time of the elections can be heard in Marleys "Johnny
Was": Woman hold her head and cry Cause her son had been Shot down in the street and died, From a stray bullet Woman hold her head and cry Explaining to her was a passer-by Who saw the woman cry Wondering how she can work it out Now she knows that the wages of sin is death Gift of Jah is life. She cried Johnny was a good man Never did a thing wrong (Waters 149) This story-like song tells of the death of an innocent loved one due to the
political violence and gang violence that ran rampant in Jamaica. My interpretation
of this Marley song is that he was frustrated, along with a large majority of
the Kingston dwellers, with the situation of the people as a whole, but more
specifically, with the unnecessary and hate-filled crimes that were being committed
all around him. The stance that reggae music took on violence and anger is a
mixed one, but one that is evoked as a result of being continuously oppressed
for hundreds of years. Rastafarians and reggae music generally took a peaceable
approach towards most aspects of life. Bob Marley deliberately used repetition
to emphasize his messages as more of a subtle message and less of a militant
one. Yet at the same time, songs such as "War" evoked powerful and
demanding themes of equality and righteousness. Marley adapted this song from
a speech made by Haile Selassie in California in 1968: Until the philosophy which hold one race superior and another inferior is finally
and totally discredited and abandoned; that until there are no longer first
class and second class citizens of any nation; until the color of a mans
skin is of no more significance than the colour of his eyes; that until the
basic human rights are equally guaranteed to all, without regard to race; that
until that day, the dream of lasting peace, world citizenship, the rule of international
morality will remain but a fleeting illusion to be pursued but never attained. And until the ignoble and unhappy regime that hold our brothers in Angola,
in Mozambique, in South Africa, in sub-human bondage, have been toppled, utterly
destroyed; until that day the African continent will not know peace. We Africans
will fight we find it necessary. And we know we shall win, as we are confident
in the victory of good over evil. (Waters 150) Racism especially evokes deep feelings of anger and willingness for battle
in the Rastafarian in spite of their peaceable attitudes. (Waters 150)
Jimmy Cliffs perception of reggae music is, "Yeah, reggae music
is the cry of the people, thats what it is. What is this cry? It was a
cry for recognition, identity, respect, love, justice" (Davis and Simon
151) When asked, "Why are the militant artists such a threat to Jamaica?",
Peter Tosh replied, "Because their words are corruption, and where theres
corruption, there must be an eruption. Ya no see? Politricks! Politician been
promising the most good but doing the most dangerous evil. And all the people
get is promises. A generation come, and a generation go, and nothing is accomplished."
(Davis and Simon 149) So while the musicians of the time were trying to bring
to light the oppressed and disadvantaged, the politicians were hearing these
messages and promising to change them. Peter Tosh quite obviously felt that
little was done to improve the Jamaican situation, and thereby denounced politicians
and their politricks. Bob Marleys songs hold many political messages in them, one being: Never let a politician grant you a favour, He will always control you for ever. (Floyd 72) It strikes me as unbelievably ironic that a reggae musician such as Marley
was "condoning" political involvement but at the same time felt that
politicians were full of empty promises and manipulative strategies. Marley
took an active role in politics by participating and organizing such performances
as the "Smile Jamaica Concert" and the "One Love Peace Concert",
which were performances that indirectly helped boost the PNPs support
from Rastafarians living in Jamaica. By performing at these shows, I think that
Marley was generally trying to put across the message that politics didnt
have to be violent or destructive, but that the "one love" tactic
could be applied to them as well as all other facets of life. Yet in regards
to specific political tactics, Marley tended to have overall feelings of distrust
and wariness. Conclusion The overall impact of politics on the Jamaican people, reggae music and Rastafarians,
and the reactionary impact of the people and music on politics are wide-reaching
phenomena. I have often been aware of the ways in which politics can affect
a society or nation, especially Jamaicas. On the other hand, I was completely
unaware of the fact that the PNP and JLP both used Rastafarian language and
dress to appeal to the lower class and thus boost their political power and
force. My original intent to discuss the elections of the 1970s and the
early 1980s changed as I became more and more aware of this situation.
Although the 1980 election marked a change in government, a switch of power
back to the JLP, I felt that by focusing on the PNPs political tactics
and influences, I was focusing also more on the Rastafarian experience. After
all, the Rastafarians as a whole, tended to support Manley over Seaga although
both parties catered to the masses of poor through music, icons and manipulation.
After reading about some of the tactics used by the political parties of
the time, I have an even lesser view of politics than I held previously. I believe
that Manley had good intentions and sincerely wanted to create social and economic
changes, but was unable to carry out significant changes and conquer immense
obstacles. Its true that both parties scrambled to use Rastafarian symbols
and language to validate their political standing. Somehow the messages that
they were sending to the poor masses got lost in their campaigning and the violence.
Their ridiculous use of language and unnatural attire was condescending to say
the least. So much of the campaigning turned into mudslinging and retaliatory
comments between the two parties. No wonder the Rastafarians were and still
are disgusted with politicians and politics. The poem "Dem Call Dem"
written by Ras Gill Tucker satirizes the Jamaican political system: Dem call dem political bull frog Dem call dem shadow and brine Dem call dem teethless lovers Dem call dem white skin in black mask Dem call dem lion in monkey clothes Dem call dem footstep without foot Dem call dem promise and empty promise Dem call demselves what others no call dem Dem call dem paper tigers Dem call dem bonehead dunces in the Queens court Dem call dem soft-face idlers hiding behind big desks Dem call demselves the peoples saviours Dem ride upon dem back and ride upon dem head Dem call demselves God-fooling and God-fearing Yet-dem die without vision Dem die without us- Dem trive pon we children hunger Dem get drunk pon we homeless and our fondest hope Dem call demselves democratics dying in lies Dem gwane living and dying in a wi nakedness Dem white God wi bless dem for dem works And dem empty words and empty promise spread before wi empty Table Dem call dem. (Barrett 278) How can disadvantaged people be satisfied with politics that dont change
their lives? How many times can promises be broken and hopes crushed? The poor
of Jamaica have been ready for a change for decades and have not seen a significant
one yet. Their lives have been shaped around political struggles violence,
music and rhetoric. The 1970s were a time of integration of the lower
classes into the political scene; one step closer to establishing a government
that hears and cares about the masses. The situation of a nation on the brink
of revolution, tasting what "could be", waiting anxiously to start
a new era is an unstable situation and has ramifications that no one can estimate
or prepare oneself for. Journalist, Bernard Headley takes a stab in the dark
as to what might one day occur: The worrisome possibility is that one morning both Mr. Seaga and Mr. Manley
will wake to find that all those "dreads" all those "sufferahs"
and dispossessed up at Half-way Tree and down in "Rema" and "Concrete
Jungle" have all of a sudden decided to stop dancing and prancing in the
streets. Or that those top-ranking gunmen will have found a better way: they
will have chosen not to "bear arms" for power-hungry, self-seeking
politicians who do not want to see the poor unite. Instead, they will have collectively
decided to listen then act on the words of reggae songster and
superstar Bob Marley " Weve been trodding on the wine press
much too long. Rebel, rebel!" (Headley 42) Works Cited Barrett, Leonard E. The Rastafarians. Boston: Beacon Press, 1997,
p 64,180, 220-223,278. Davis, Stephen and Peter Simon. Reggae International. New York:
R&B, 1982, p 11,149, 151. Floyd, Barry. An Island Microcosm. New York: St. Martins Press,
1979, p 49, 72, 138, 144-147, 149. Headley, Bernard, "Mr. Seagas Jamaica: An Inside Look."
Monthly Review September 1985: 42. Keith, Nelson and Novella Keith. The Social Origins of Democratic Socialism
in Jamaica. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992, p 24, 180. Waters, Anita M. Race, Class and Political Symbols. New Brunswick:
Transaction Publishers, 1985, p 3, 9, 55-58, 93, 114, 125, 130-1, 143, 145-6,
149-50, 152-3, 162, 174, 176, 178-9, 181. Jamaican Politics, Reggae and Rastafarianism in the 1970s
Liz Kerr